Thank God for democracy. Thank God
for kings. It is a contradiction that works well here. No matter how avidly we
proclaim our republican virtues, we are, at heart, all royalists.
The earlier we admit this to
ourselves the better it is for us to make our so-called republic worth the
while. Recently, a ranking of Yoruba monarchs stirred a little unease in some
quarters. The Alake of Egbaland, Oba Adedotun Gbadebo, unveiled the hierarchy
from his own point of view. He said the Ooni of Ife was numero uno, followed by
the Alafin of Oyo and Oba of Benin respectively.
In a brilliant but
characteristically unwieldy rebuttal, Odia Ofeimun harks back home and anoints
the Oba of Benin on the prime spot. Ofeimun begins by disavowing any fidelity
to kings, and apes the chic fashion of calling oneself a republican.
I am not interested in the
hierarchy. But neither am I happy with the slaughter of kings. By the way, that
phrase comes from the Bible where Abraham makes mincemeat of pagan kings.
Since the British slaughtered our
kings metaphorically to make Nigeria a colony, we have pretended to have
outgrown them. But the wise among us know better. So, they engage the royals.
We can recall the recent spat between Oyo State Governor, Abiola Ajimobi and
the Olubadan-in-council over the elevation of the irritant Ladoja and other
chiefs without regards to due process.
It was billed as a standoff of two
antipodal worlds. Modern versus ancient, republican versus royalist,
bureaucratic versus traditional, the past versus the future, indigenous versus
foreign.
But the cards lay in the governor’s
hands. The law gives him the power. He held his grounds.
But some elders pitched in and they
both etched peace and ended the furore. That was principally because the
governor understood the intricacy of traditional mores. The matter was resolved
with the understanding that their elevations held as long as they provided
documents of their medical and security screening.
Gov. Ajimobi showed a hand of
cultural nuance and maturity rather than a modern radical in power. He did not
act like President Kongi in Soyinka’s bleak play Kongi’s Harvest, who places
the king under lock and key.
But not long after, Ibadan tells us
another story. The Olubadan dies and a transition beckons. But not to worry.
There will be no night of long knives dripping with intrigues and backstabbing.
No dark horses emerging, no permutations, no politicking, no underhand
manoeuvres. Forget the tale of bribery from a chief. The rules shun the stealth
of filthy lucre.
Ibadan has a smooth transition. The
successor is known and he will step right on the throne of the fathers once all
rites are fulfilled. Yet Ibadan history is rooted in the republican principle.
Founded on a highland, it gathered migrants from the wars bursting all over
Yorubaland. The new citizens made themselves a new society with kings not based
on the old ways. It was a town of generals. The men who rose were not of the
royal blood line. They were swordsmen who shed blood for the new land. The
Ogunmolas and Latosas earned their epaulets by gallantry.
But the society has not ended up a
democracy, but a feudal redoubt. That’s the irony. It is like Igboland, where
kings are nothing, but it blends republican ethos with social rules that invoke
a feudal milieu. In Ibadan, it is a sort of gerontocracy, where the oldest
becomes king. It works and our politicians have called for a politics where
rules work, not chaos. Not the power of the strong man. In Ibadan, they teach
us the supremacy of the rule of law.
Unlike our politics where a
transition leads to fear and trembling, and where in some kingdoms heads roll,
Ibadan is easy. The departed Olubadan embodied the full persona of Nigerian
power, and Gov. Ajimobi serenaded him as a soldier, politician, bureaucrat,
king.
All of that is in us. We may say we
are no royalists. But we show it everyday. We bow to the elder. In Urhoboland,
the younger says migwo, (I am on my knees) to the older person. The Onyisi
syndrome is alive and well in Igboland. The Yoruba still gleefully prostrate.
In weddings, a 30-year-old suitor prostrates to a two-year-old in-law, at least
in theory. The baba gan refrain riffs through the culture.Ranka dede, a
northern term of obsequious subordination, only became temporarily antiquated
in the last election cycle when Buhari’s fans chanted Sai Baba.
The top of all obeisance lies in the
throne. It is the apex court of genuflection. It is only the king that cannot
bow, a taboo that Soyinka hints at with revulsion in Kongi’s Harvest.
In my first visit to the United
Kingdom, a hotel hand was cross at me for ruffling a British currency note with
the picture of the queen. Oliver Cromwell who presided over the killing of
Charles 1 was not bold enough to decree a farewell to the monarchy. Part of the
sanity of the British democracy comes from the stabilising awe of royalty.
For all his republican craving,
Napoleon Bonaparte crowned himself king in Rome and his seductress and wife
Josephine as queen. In the United States, we see the appetite of royalty. Once,
the Kennedy family was their unofficial royalty. In their absence, we have all
forms of royalty, high like the imperfect Bush family, or low like the
Kardashians. It is probably the reason America is the celebrity capital. As men
seek gods, societies seek kings and princes. In fact, some Americans wanted
George Washington to be crowned king. Others wanted him to reign as president
till death. It is not for nothing that this celebrity fascination has drowned
the world. In his novel, The Prince and the Pauper, Mark Twain, an American,
emphasised the integrity of royalty by showing that a prince could never act as
a pauper, or vice versa.
In Yorubaland, a saying goes thus,
“we cannot serve the father and also the son.” That has been used with the Awo
clan. That is probably reinforced because the palaces in Yorubaland still
retain a certain grandeur. We were all witnesses to President Jonathan’s
peripatetic folly of begging about the palaces of the Southwest.
I know many who say bad things about
royalty in a democracy. If, for instance, chieftaincy titles were stopped, they
would be the first to cry foul.
Rather than disavow royalty, we
should learn how to make it work. We already have it in the way we organise our
families, villages, local government, politics, business, etc. Rather than
deny, let us explore it and make something out of it as Governor Ajimobi did.
We may devise a new society and ideology from it. Just maybe. We may call it
royal democracy. As we have social democrats, Christian democrats, etc, we may
have royal democrats. Rather than savage the kings, we could salvage a system.
- In
Touch, The Nation newspaper,
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