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Tuesday, December 21, 2010

Revisiting Vasta and Nation building issues




Retired Lieutenant General Domkat Bali, was a former Chief of Defence Staff, Minister of Defence and Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff. He spoke on the circumstances of his retirement, the execution of General Mamman Jiya Vatsa.

General Babangida?s come-back bid, President Olusegun Obasanjo?s elongation plot and other national issues. 

Senior Editor, BABAJIDE KOLADE-OTITOJU, General Editor, ADEMOLA ADEGBAMIGBE,  Assistant Editor, SYLVESTER ASOYA, and photographer, AKIN FARINTO met him

For a long time, Nigerians have not heard from you. Why have you, until now, chosen to lie low?
I don?t know whether that is very fair. I was not always talking when I was the Minister of Defense. But then you people knew me as frank. But outside the government, I don?t have to go about talking unnecessarily. So I don?t talk much, not by design, but by my nature.
 
What have you been doing since you left office as Minister of Defense?
It has not been easy to adjust after the military because the military is a routine (wake up in the morning, have your breakfast, go to the office, a scheduled programme everyday). So it became part of me. But from the point of retirement, it became strange to wake up in the morning and not knowing what to do. I had to adjust. It was not easy initially, but now I am happy with it. I am happy because you are now the architect of your own program and life. You decide what to do and what not to do. You are not told to do one thing or the other. So you can say I am at home with myself now.
 
In Nigeria, it is customary for retired Generals to be on the board of companies. They even chair many. Some even own companies. Where do you belong?
I wish I had a company of my own. Talking about being chairman of companies, I have benefited from that up till now. I don?t know why. But I was chairman of HFP Engineering, a Jewish company, when I left government in 1991.It is located in Victoria Garden City. I am no longer chairman and I have no shares in it at all. I was a member of the Board of Trustees of Nigeria Wire and Cable, Ibadan. My shares there are few. I was also a member of the Board of Trustees of an insurance company. All these kept me going. Apart from those activities as member of the board of some companies, one way or the other, I also dabbled into part-time farming. As a small time farmer, I discovered that Nigerians cheat. They cheat when you are tilling the ground, they cheat when you are harvesting, cheat when you are applying fertilizer and they cheat at every level. It is a terrible Nigerian culture to cheat. 

But we hope you have not been frustrated out of farming?
No. I still do it because as I said, I do it as a hobby. There was a time I felt most unhappy. A woman with a child strapped to her back and another one in her arms came to my house and said, ?General, we are desperate, we could not eat anything last night, me and my children. And my husband is no more.? She told me that whatever I could give to her, she would appreciate. So I gave her half a bag of maize. I have never seen a more grateful individual. Since then, I have been doing so as a hobby. 

A lot of people believe that the incursion of the military into politics destroyed, to a large extent, discipline and professionalism. Where do you stand on this?
Certainly, the involvement of the military in government is abnormal. It is an illegal thing that became legal only by the acceptance of it by the generality of the people. But it is not a normal thing for the military to rule at all. It certainly has affected discipline and professionalism in the military because the regimentation of the military was affected. The normal role of the military during peace time and doing what is relevant to the military became distorted. The attention of the military was diverted from its norms towards governance. That affected the body greatly. 

As Defense Minister, a lot of things happened during your tenure. Some were politically motivated. Do you have any regret about playing that role and the circumstances which led to your quitting government at that time?
The only regret is that the Nigerian situation provided the circumstances that led the military into taking over government. I have not regretted being a party to the government. Even today, I tell people that there will come a time, illegal as military regime may be, we cannot have a vacuum. If we do have a vacuum, the military is the only organized body that has the means to intervene if things go bad. 

A lot of people think that given the situation in the world now, the military may never come back to power. Is it that you don?t share that opinion?
I don?t like to use the word ?never.? I made a point earlier on that there must not be a vacuum because nature abhors vacuum. Nature does not accept vacuum. If the people assume that a situation is no longer normal, somebody somewhere can take over. The only organized body with the ability to do that is the military. 

Given the circumstances of your exit during the Babangida years, what is your relationship with him currently?
You will be surprised to hear that we are very good friends. I think Babangida and I understand each other. We know each other; he knows what I can tolerate and what I cannot. He understands that I can be frank but that I will not disgrace him. After I left, one of the places he visited was Langtang (and I come from Langtang). IBB had to pay a visit to the chief of Langtang. I had to be around because I am from there. Not only that, I was also going to read the Chief?s speech, to welcome him to the palace. So there was anxiety in the town as people were saying, ?aha, Bali and Babangida, since they parted company, let?s see what will transpire.? I credit Babangida for his very crafty nature. He came to the palace in a bus full of other people and I was in there when he arrived. I went there to receive them. Babangida simply grabbed me. People were surprised and wondered how the two of us could react to each other the way we did. People saw the two of us embracing each other. They were very surprised because they were expecting tension between both of us.

So have you had cause to talk about the matter since then?
He knows what happened then and I know what happened as well. In all fairness to Babangida, the only time he took me by surprise was when he came to my house to tell me that he intended to dissolve the cabinet. He said we should not worry because he would give us other appointments. My only question to him was: ?What appointment will you give me; after all I am a member of the Armed Forces Ruling Council.? I wondered what else he could offer me that was better than what I already had. Anyway he said, ?Don?t worry.? He dissolved the cabinet when I was in Jos for a weekend and then appointed me Minister of Internal Affairs. To be very frank with you, the Ministry of Internal Affairs is a very important ministry, but that was not my problem. My problem was that as a military officer, I was senior both to Babangida and Buhari, but I served under both as Minister of Defense and Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff. I could accept that they were heads of state. You cannot remove the fact that I was senior to both of them. And when Babangida came, he said: ?Ok, you are no longer Chief of Defense Staff but Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff.? If I am not that, then I am also junior to all other military people other than the Head of State, which I would not accept.
I could accept that I was junior to the Head of State but to accept that I was also junior to other junior officers to me that was unacceptable. That was the main reason that I had to leave. Not because I was made the Minister of Internal Affairs. Some people said it was because I was taking over from John Shagaya who was also a junior officer. Those were not the issues at all. 

What you are saying suggests that you do not blame Babangida for all that transpired with regards to your removal.
No. I can only say that perhaps he led and made people like us -  Gambo, Alfa, Chief of Air Staff - to believe that we were together and that we were the most powerful (only to realize we were not). He dissolved the Council twice. The first was a rehearsal, apparently.
He brought all of us back. The second was the real thing and he did that mainly out of pressure from the junior officers who were at that time looking for appointments. That is the dilemma of the military regime and it reflects on the military itself. 

How would you assess his administration, especially handling of the economy?
I personally thought he went too far with the IMF thing. I was more in line with Buhari who did not like the idea of IMF dictating terms to us. I went along with Buhari but Babangida decided to take action. If you remembered, he threw the thing to a national debate to say whether we should accept the terms given by the IMF. The general attitude or thinking suggested that we should not, if I remembered correctly. But he came up to say we should allow him to take a decision and implement things. I cannot remember exactly how he put it. But it was that whether we liked it or not, we should allow him to dictate what to do. To that extent, he went too far. Along the line, he got carried away, but I think he had good intentions. 

You said that he must have been misled by junior officers. A lot of people believe that Babangida actually had good intentions and started well, but that along the line, the likes of the late General Sani Abacha hijacked his government and began to dictate to him. Do you share this view?
Why do you want me to repeat myself? I don?t know who hijacked his government. I didn?t mention names. I said some junior officers, along the line, influenced him to effect the changes, hence all the young boys became appointed as ministers and whatever.
 
When you worked with Babangida as Defense Minister, do you remember one action you took and you think you should have acted differently? For example, there was the coup trial that involved General Vatsa. Would you have acted differently?
I don?t know whether I would. My regret is that up till now, I am not sure whether Vatsa ought to have been killed because whatever evidence they amassed against him was weak. My only regret is that I cannot say, ?don?t do it.? I am not so sure whether we were right to have killed him. 

The lot was on you to announce the execution...
That was ok. He was not the only one. There were others involved and the decision of the Council then was that, I being the Chief of Defense Staff (which covers the three services), would be the one to make the announcement. And not only that, we made sure that those who were connected were killed before my announcement. And I said so in my statement that those who were involved had already been executed. And I have asked myself whether I was crazy to have announced something like that. 

What kind of soldier was Vatsa?
He was a very good soldier. I can tell you for sure that Vatsa was a very good soldier. 

People said he hated Babangida to a fault!
No. I think there must be something between the two of them. I think they went to the same secondary school or something like that. There was something between them since secondary school days. I think that they didn?t seem to trust each other much. It may have been something that started when they were in secondary school that created that long-term hatred. 

When Babangida assumed power, he appeared populist but over time he became stronger and more powerful. How did he achieve that when people like you were around?
You should ask Babangida that question! But Babangida is a very jovial person and he is a man that you can get to like easily. He portrays himself as a very likeable person, cheerful and kind. 

He wants to come back and rule Nigeria again. What is your opinion about that?
If I meet him and he asks for my person opinion, I would advise him to be a kingmaker not a king. That is my advice to him. I do not support his coming back. 

There is a speculation all round, and some people are actually campaigning, that President Obasanjo should elongate his tenure. What do you think will happen if he goes ahead?
 
That money is changing hands on account of this is one of the saddest parts of Nigerian politics. To start with, my disappointment is the fact that we are being led by people (most of whom) were not elected at all. Democracy, I was told in the secondary school, is a government of the people, by the people and for the people. It is not a government of cheats who are bent on looting the treasury. That is what we are having now. So I don?t believe we are practicing democracy at all. To that extent, my disappointment is that we are not practicing what democracy should be. 

What is your personal disappointment about this clamor for a third term?
As far as I am concerned, the third term issue is very wrong. The right thing, people say, is that we the military gave the constitution. It is not a valid argument. The constitution is a document backed by generations of Nigerians and it states that ?we Nigerians have accepted bla bla bla.? That is the preamble of the national constitution. It may have been drafted under the military and handed over to the civilians. To that extent, they are right. They said it was Babangida who sat down and drafted it. It wasn?t him. It was a group of civilians who drafted it. When you talk about the people of Nigeria, soldiers are not many - the Head of State, governors and a few ministers. All the others, including ministers, are civilians. 

Can you do a comparison of the economy now and during your time?
March 5th, 2010 Headsman
On this date in 1986,* Nigerian Major-General Mamman Jiya Vatsa was shot (along with nine others) by command of his childhood friend — the dictator Ibrahim Babangida, whom Vatsa was allegedly plotting to overthrow.
A gifted writer since youth, Vatsa was just a nameless twenty-something junior officer in the early 1970s when he emerged onto the national literary scene.
In the 15 years before his death, Vatsa churned out 20-plus volumes, mostly poetry. He had a special inclination for writing for children.
Simultaneously, his star ascended in his professional sphere.
But by December of that year,
Testimony against them — much of it of the speculative or torture-induced variety — described a ring of officers piqued at the Babangida coup (Vatsa was out of the country when it occurred) and keen to undo it. The scheme would have been only one of many such hatched or imagined in an unstable political situation that surely made the new big man nervous.
In the end, “only” ten (the nine others are named here) were stood up against the wall for the alleged plot. Many others, however, were imprisoned or purged, a lasting injury to the Nigerian brass that particularly crippled its air force.

Babangida, of course, rejected clemency appeals from the Vatsa family he knew well. He has since justified his harshness by arguing that Vatsa would have continued plotting against him in prison or in forced retirement. “Rawlings did it in Ghana,” Babangida said. “And you know Vatsa was very stubborn.”

Yoruba new political consciousness: What lessons for Igbo?





The incontrovertible truth is that whatever role Igbo play in Nigeria’s emerging political turf will be determined by them and not by any other group or persons. They are where they are today because they failed to take the chances that came their way in the past 31 years. In 2003, for instance, they were deliberately schemed out of relevance by forces opposed to their continued unity.

This plot was again executed in 2007 when no Igbo man or woman was deemed fit to be chosen as the vice president of Nigeria.
From all available designs, it can be concluded that 2010 posed about the worst period for them, as the powers-that-be excluded them from sensitive political offices. Check out this list to see what I mean: President (Niger Delta), Vice president (Hausa), Senate President (Hausa), Speaker of the House of Representatives (Yoruba), Chief Justice of Nigeria (Hausa), President, Court of Appeal (Yoruba), Inspector General of Police (Hausa), Director-General of the State Security Service (Niger Delta), National Security Adviser (Niger Delta), Secretary to the Government of the Federation (Hausa), Head of Service of the Federation (Yoruba), sensitive ministerial portfolios such as Minister of Police Affairs (Hausa), Minister of Petroleum (Niger Delta), Minister of Agriculture (Hausa), Minister of Foreign Affairs (Niger Delta), Minister of Finance (Yoruba), Minister of Defence (Yoruba), Minister of Federal Capital Territory (Hausa), Minister of Transport (Hausa), Minister of Education (Hausa), Minister of Water Resources (Hausa), Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff (Yoruba), Chief of Army Staff (Igbo), Chief of Air Staff (Hausa), and Chief of Naval Staff (Hausa). Because of space, I was not able to mention the distribution of offices in government agencies and other sectors of the economy.

The fact x-rayed by the statistics above is that head or tail Igbo are the most neglected ethnic group in Nigeria. There was a time Igbo occupied many of these key positions. This takes us to the past to see how Igbo had fared. From 1966, after the brutal death of Gen. J.T.U. Aguiyi-Ironsi, to date no Igbo has occupied the office of President, Chief of Air Staff, or Chief Justice of Nigeria. Igbo occupied the position of Chief of Naval Staff once through Allison Madueke, and Inspector-General of Police once by Ogbonna Onovo (for less than one year).

It is important to observe that the late President Musa Yar’Adua administration offered Igbo the greatest opportunity for reintegration. Under his regime, Igbo occupied these positions: Minister of Foreign Affairs for the first time, Minister of Education, Minister of State for FCT – nearly 27 year after Chief Okoye held the position during the Shehu Shagari government, Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Head of Service, Governor Central Bank for the first time, etc. I am sure that they would have got more if he had not died when he did.

Those who claim to love Igbo must demonstrate it in words and deeds. It is not enough to make promises to them without any concrete signs that such promises will be fulfilled. It may not be necessary to list all the disappointments Igbo have suffered in the hands of other tribes. But the truth is that their mumu don do.
This brings us to 2011 and 2015. There is no iota of doubt that Igbo are qualified to vie for the presidency, even in 2011, and that is why I have offered myself. If there is any ethnic group overqualified to contest for the office of president it is Igbo; after all, they have not occupied the prestigious office since Nigeria became an independent nation. The closest they came was when the late Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe became the ceremonial President of Nigeria with the executive powers residing with the Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa. It is ludicrous that some persons would love to take Igbo for a ride. Which other way can one explain the effrontery in asking Igbo to wait till 2015 to take a shot at the presidency? Who is sure they will be offered the position in 2015 without a fight? Any Igbo who thinks Igbo will get the presidency on a platter is living in a fool’s paradise. Nobody gives anybody power – you scheme, and even fight, for it.

Yoruba have chosen, out of sheer political skilfulness and savvy, to opt out of seeking the presidency this time round. They have their reasons. No single Yoruba is involved in the race for the presidency in 2011. They have tactically withdrawn – positioning themselves strategically for the future. What happens if they choose to go for it in 2015, since PDP have roughened feathers by silently jettisoning zoning to accommodate some egocentric and parochial interests? From all indications, it is certain that if Goodluck Jonathan contests in 2011, then 2015 will be an all-comers’ affair. Who will have the moral right to ask any ethnic group interested in the presidency not to go for it? This is why abandoning zoning portends great danger for our budding democracy.

What Yoruba have done by not vying for the presidency in 2011 is simply political wizardry! They have taken into consideration the compelling need to show fairness and equity in the contestation for relevance in our polity. This is a sharp contrast to the obduracy being demonstrated by some individuals and groups opposed to zoning. These people’s actions are definitely perilous to our nation’s democracy. It would not have been fair for Yoruba to go for the presidency less than four years after one of their own handed over the baton, having held the office for eight unbroken years. This is the kind of sensitivity and selflessness we should exhibit whenever our personal interests clash with the nation interest.

Probably, the bloodbath that followed the agitation for the actualisation of June 12, 1983 presidential election and the fear of a recurrence must have informed the seeming political docility among the Yoruba in the current dispensation. Is it not said that experience comes with age? They have continued to learn from the phlegmatic and disdainful treatment they have suffered in the hands of some powerful ethnic groups, which saw their brand of politics as being too paternalistic.
In any case, the June 12 imbroglio brought the Yoruba unity to another level. They forged ahead together and achieved the goal of the struggle collectively. Interestingly, this was the major political challenge they faced since the death of the great sage, Obafemi Awolowo. It not only challenged their ability to work together, but taxed their intellect and ingenuity. But, despite the mountainous odds in their way, they were able to pull through.

It was, therefore, not surprising that the whole nation agreed Yoruba should be given the opportunity to produce the president in 1999. It was the same deference that enabled Olusegun Obasanjo to emerge as president, even when he could not win in his ward, local government and state.  According to the result of the 1999 elections, PDP could not win a single ward in Yoruba land. The situation, from all indications, has not changed despite the garrison politics the same Obasanjo promoted in the South West Zone between 2003 and 2007. There are ongoing plots by PDP to bamboozle the electorate in the zone through acts intent on causing disharmony and strife. But these plots have met a brick-wall going by the plethora of losses the party has suffered in the Appeal Courts that presided over election petitions in the zone.

No matter how anybody views it, the South West zone is a no-go area for PDP and they know it; at least in 2011. It is unarguable that it will take a very long time for the party to recover from the shock of the present happenings in South West zone. Indeed, by the time it recovers, it may be too late to do anything tangible to dislocate Action Congress of Nigeria (CAN), which is ruling the zone like an emerging emperor.

Those planning to rig elections in 2011 in the South West will have been disappointed by the turn of events in the governorship election petition. These developments will certainly affect the direction the tide will go next year. Those who had based their calculations to win landslide next year on when PDP controlled a majority of the states in the zone will now have a re-think.

This brings us to a very important question: Whither Igbo in all of this? Definitely, it would have been a different ballgame all together if Igbo had found themselves in the same dire strait. Some Igbo would have sold out and sabotaged the struggle just to achieve their self-aggrandisement. The little homogeneity some concerned Igbo attempted to build in 2007 by winning two states for the South East in order to give them distinct identity and respect has since been destroyed by the greed and avarice of a few of its power-drunken politicians. The enemies of Igbo, by putting a wedge in the way of the desire of Igbo to carve a niche for themselves politically as the Yoruba had done, have succeeded, although temporarily, in stalling the little progress they have recorded so far.  

It was the zoning arrangement of PDP that made it possible, in the first place, for Yoruba to be where they are in today’s politics in Nigeria. The dominance of political power by the North was a product of the division among other ethnic groups jostling for control of power. The North, from the pattern of past elections (at least between 1966 and 1983), had always voted en bloc – with the interest of their tribe paramount. This is why they have been able to build a formidable structure that can confront any form of opposition.

Perhaps, this is why I seem to think that zoning is the most equitable way for power to revolve among the various ethnic groups in Nigeria without rancour. Quarantining zoning, as is being championed by some persons and groups in PDP, will surely spell doom for Igbo. I do not subscribe to the sentimentalism being promoted by some naive and short-sighted individuals who feel threatened by zoning. My major interest in how power is shared in Nigeria is how Igbo will get to the presidency. Precedents show that it will be difficult for Igbo to get the ticket to the presidency unless something miraculous happens, as was the case with Goodluck Jonathan when he succeeded the late President Musa Yar’Adua as demanded by the 1999 Constitution.

Nobody needs a soothsayer to tell him that 2011 poses a huge challenge to Igbo. It is unfortunate that some Igbo leaders have failed to toe the path of honour and courage and fight for their people. Rather they have chosen the path of infamy and sold their birthright for a pot of portage. How much would a man or woman be paid to sell his or her heritage? What future will such a person bequeath to the generation of Igbo unborn?
I find it reprehensible when critics refer to Igbo as treacherous and pecuniary even to the detriment of their people. I wish to state unequivocally that Igbo are not a treacherous people. It is a few disgruntled ones among them that give them the bad name they now bear. Today, they cannot boast of any stronghold politically in Nigeria. What the so-called leaders of Igbo do at present is to run from pillar to post in search of a non-existent recognition in mainstream politics. It is a very dicey and foolhardy gamble because he who pays the piper calls the tune.

The only option available to Igbo now, if at all they want to salvage whatever is left of their integrity, is to come together and chart a new course for their collective emancipation. It will amount to a disastrous estimation for Igbo to hope to be handed the presidency in 2015 on a platter. It will take hard work, resilience, perseverance, tactfulness, and good working relationship with other ethnic and social groups for them to make it. Gallivanting with political misfits, turncoats and ideologues will distance them continually from the presidency.    
                                         
Left for me: any presidential candidate that does not pick an Igbo for the post of vice president will not get Igbo votes.
Igbo, this is the time to wear your thinking cap and do that, which is needful or forever keep quiet and lick their wound.

AN ODE TO THE SOUTH-SOUTH.



The space of the black gold
Your blessing, your curse
Your ancestral heritage the lot of infamy
Your fury JUST, BUT your angst misdirected
Your flame kindled by vandals.

To Ekaete whose family land is adjacent an OIL-WELL
Your dignities must be RESTORED
Your wards must cease to be HOUSE-HELPS in the Cities
To Ufuoma whose ancestral HEIRLOOM is an OIL-WELL
Your PRIDE must be RESTORED and your CITIES built.

Space of the golden goose
Your eggs must hatch greatness
Your waters cleaned
Your CHILDREN nurtured as deserved of KINGS
And your mothers HONOURED.

To berth the DAWN Adaka Boro envisioned my TRUST
To fulfil the PROMISES of Saro Wiwa my THRUST
To RESTORE your FLORA and FAUNA my commitment
To have your WARDS schooled my CROSS
To make REAL the PROMISES OF DEMOCRACY is my unalterable determination.
YES WE CAN.
CHRIS NWAOKOBIA JNR...08023361983, 08056359127 and 08030678041.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Turai, Yakubu, Yar'adua (GMD NNPC), and Aondoakaa Received Bribes for Oil Lifting/Signing of Document



 On corruption, Pickard said that Nigerian entities control the lifting of many oil

cargoes and there are some "very interesting" people lifting oil. 

Oil buyers would pay NNPC GMD Yar'Adua, Chief Economic Advisor Yakubu
and the First Lady Turai Yar'Adua large bribes to lift oil. 


Pickard also reported an instance of the Attorney General Aondoakaa allegedly
soliciting a $20 million bribe to sign a document. - Wikileaks

For fuller details, click on the link below
http://wikileaks.ch/cable/2009/02/09ABUJA259.html

Atiku Abubakar's careless utterance





The former Vice President of Nigeria and a presidential aspirant in the 2011 polls, Atiku Abubakar in a direct message to President Goodluck Jonathan yesterday said "those who make peaceful change impossible, make violent change inevitable..." Apparently, he was trying to warn the President against contesting the PDP primaries in accordance with their "zoning" brouhaha.

Now the question is, what is he insinuating by making such unguided utterances? Is he saying that if he doesn't emerge as the PDP preferred candidate, he is going to promote violence just to have his wish at all cost?

I don't understand the rationale for such a statement, but for discerning minds we can now easily tell those who instigate violence in dis country. God will surely frustrate their token...Our prayer is that those who wish violence for this nation will themselves not know peace! Those who have over the years derived pleasure in spilling the blood of innocent Nigerians just to achieve their selfish goals, will henceforth swim in their own bloods...

What's your reaction to this statement by the ex-VP?









A COUNSEL TO SYCOPHANTS WHOSE GOD IS THEIR BELLY.




Countrymen, I found these scriptures compelling and pertinent counsel against sycophancy and politrickal demagoguery..Apologies to Rosanwo Babatyhae who placed the Bible quote as his comment on Kayode Ogundamaisi's status....

"A vote against GEJ is a vote against GOD. “His coming into the office of the president is through the divine intervention of God and it is only God that can remove him and not us mortals. God put him in that office and anybody or group of persons who attempt to remove him, God will surely punish those behind the evil plot.” Dalhatu Sarki Tafida. Dg Goodluck Campaign Organisation. (Kolomenta.)"



HOLY BIBLE..Psalm 73:1-20.

1 Surely God is good to Israel,

to those who are pure in heart.



2 But as for me, my feet had almost slipped;

I had nearly lost my foothold.



3 For I envied the arrogant

when I saw the prosperity of the wicked.



4 They have no struggles;

their bodies are healthy and strong.



5 They are free from the burdens common to man;

they are not plagued by human ills.



6 Therefore pride is their necklace;

they clothe themselves with violence.



7 From their callous hearts comes iniquityb;

the evil conceits of their minds know no limits.



8 They scoff, and speak with malice;

in their arrogance they threaten oppression.



9 Their mouths lay claim to heaven,

and their tongues take possession of the earth.



10 Therefore their people turn to them

and drink up waters in abundance.



11 They say, “How can God know?

Does the Most High have knowledge?”



12 This is what the wicked are like—

always carefree, they increase in wealth.



13 Surely in vain have I kept my heart pure;

in vain have I washed my hands in innocence.



14 All day long I have been plagued;

I have been punished every morning.



15 If I had said, “I will speak thus,”

I would have betrayed your children.



16 When I tried to understand all this,

it was oppressive to me



17 till I entered the sanctuary of God;

then I understood their final destiny.



18 Surely you place them on slippery ground;

you cast them down to ruin.



19 How suddenly are they destroyed,

completely swept away by terrors!



20 As a dream when one awakes,

so when you arise, O Lord,

you will despise them as fantasies.



For my Muslim brothers, the following verses of the Holy Koran is instructive.



HOLY KORAN Sura 6 Verse 21 - 23.



21. And who is more unjust than one who invents about Allah a lie or denies His verses?

Indeed, the wrong doers will not succeed.



22. And (mention O Mohammed) the Day We will gather them all together, then We will say to those who associated

others with Allah, "Where are your 'partners' that you used to claim (with Him)?""



23. Then there will be no (excuse upon) examination except they will say,

"By Allah, our Lord, we were not those who associated, ".



HOLY KORAN Sura 17 verse 25-27



25. Your Lord is most knowing of what is within yourselves. If you should be righteous (in intention) -

then indeed He is ever, to the often returning (to Him), Forgiving.



26. And give the relative his right, and (also) the poor and the traveler, and do not spend wastefully.



27. Indeed, the wasteful are brothers of the devils, and ever has Satan been to his Lord ungrateful.



MAY GOD GRANT US THE COURAGE TO WALK RIGHT and the WISDOM TO CHOOSE RIGHT.



It is NIGERIA-NOW.



CHRIS NWAOKOBIA JNR.

08023361983, 08038604312, 08056359127, 01-7756067.







2011: Patience Jonathan Meets 33 Female Senators, Reps… Gives Them $825,000





 
If this article is true, and I say if, why can diasporans sponsor a lawsuit that challenges the houses and the executive branch to expose why they need such huge sums of money.

Where did the first lady get the money from?  We should demand an explanations and corruption is found expose it and demand that all involved be impeached.


People we have to start holding the feet of these people to the fire, I am ready to start contributing monthly to a legal fund that will bring all manner of charges against the government from their fees to services not met.

I wonder why by now we have not organized a suit against the government for negligible homicide for the continued deaths of countless people on the federal roads due to bad upkeep and negligible security?

All the previous ministers and their estates should also be named in the suit.  We should publish ads in the national papers ask for citizens who have lost someone due to road conditions or erosion to register for a class action lawsuit against the government for financial damages.