Nigeria’s Biafran Burden

Okey Ndibe

Biafra is back in the news in a big way, thanks, in large measure, to the death of Steve Jobs, co-founder of Apple. In a bestselling authorized biography written by Walter Isaacson, we learn that Biafra had something to do with Mr. Jobs’ renunciation of Christianity. 

To paraphrase the story: as a 13-year-old, the late inventor extraordinaire had confronted his Lutheran Church pastor with a photograph of two starving Biafran children on the cover of Life magazine. The young Steve asked his teacher whether God was aware of the plight of the children. Once he was assured that divine omniscience implied that God had such knowledge, Steve Jobs, there and then, announced his divorce from Christianity.

I have seen that picture that drove an impressionable teenager to sever ties with his Christian faith. It is near-impossible to look at it and remain composed or untouched. The eyes of the famished Biafran babies are particularly disconcerting. In fact, there is a certain desolate impression etched on the subjects’ faces. 

To view that picture – which has been widely shown on TV and circulated on the Internet in the brouhaha generated by Jobs’ death – is to gain a glimpse into the ways in which the violence of war ravages the innocence of children, terrorizes the most vulnerable, and upends humane values. 
There is, I think, a paradox in the way that Steve Jobs’ death has resurrected Biafra in the imagination of the global community. 

That paradox lies in the fact that, as the world was once again tuning in to the bloodiest tragedy in Nigeria’s history, Nigeria seemed determined to persist with its willed amnesia. That amnesia has a long history. 

At the end of the war, with the federal side’s superior firepower triumphing, then Head of State Yakubu Gowon declared that there was no victor, no vanquished. That announcement, seen by some as an uncommon act of magnanimity, earned great adulation for Mr. Gowon. He also impressed the world by proclaiming that the war-scarred country would embark on rehabilitation, reconciliation and reconstruction. Few of Gowon’s admirers were detained by the fact that his (victorious) government’s actions were often at odds with its avowed policy of nurturing healing. 

Two examples of this gap between precept and practice should suffice to underscore the point.

One was a policy that enabled the government to strip the erstwhile Biafrans of their wealth. At the end of the war, the Nigerian government implemented a policy that gave each Biafran adult twenty pounds as so-called ex-gratia payment. This would have been a commendable policy had the payment been designed to assist cash-strapped Biafrans to re-enter the Nigerian economy. Instead, the government decided that the paltry sum served as full redemption for any financial assets owned by individual Biafrans prior to the war. It was a self-evidently unjust policy of expropriation, and it dealt a crippling economic blow to the guts of a people who had paid a devastating price, with their blood and limbs, and who needed to be bolstered in their desperate effort to re-start their lives. 

There was also the issue of abandoned property, a notion that matched – if not surpassed – the ex-gratia policy in odiousness, illogicality and patent injustice. In a move that exposed the hypocrisy of its avowed policy of reconciliation, the Nigerian government declared that Biafran citizens who owned property in parts of the country outside the formerly secessionist territory had effectively “abandoned” those assets.
What emerges, then, is a portrait of a nation caught pants down at critical moment indulged in dishonorable acts. 

In one breath, it was proposed that the preservation of Nigeria’s corporate unity was an idea worth spilling more than a million lives for, and the maiming of even more. Yet, in another breath, the same Nigeria demonstrated unwillingness to extend economic justice to those who had sought to leave the union. We were told that “to keep Nigeria one was a task that must be done.” But – that task accomplished – we were told that the erstwhile Biafrans, now forcibly re-“Nigerianized,” were not entitled to the ownership and enjoyment of their property and income. 
 
A central tragedy of Nigeria is that it has continued to carry on as if it never fought a war – as if its very viability as a proposition had never been contested in a war that cost more than a million lives, limbs, and extensive wreckage of its physical space. As Dr. Louis Okonkwo stated during the session earlier in the day, Nigeria’s history is donut-shaped – with a huge hole in its middle. This hole represents all the tragedies that we repress, attempt to erase, or refuse to acknowledge. Besides, owing to the existence of this donut history, Nigeria constantly slips and falls through the gaping hole.

There is no question that federal troops massacred hundreds of innocent, unarmed civilians in Asaba in the heady early days of the Biafran War in October, 1967. Many other nations have witnessed similar callous, shocking events in their history – and often on a larger scale. We have Pol Pot’s murderous reign in Cambodia, a pogrom in which approximately twenty percent of the Cambodian population perished; Hitler’s campaign to exterminate the Jews; the My Lai massacre of some 500 Vietnamese perpetrated by American soldiers, and less than a year after the Asaba massacres; the hundreds of thousands who perished in Joseph Stalin’s Great Purge in the late 1930s; and the huge socio-economic disruptions as well as human rights abuses that accompanied – or marked – China’s cultural revolution in the 1960s. 

Africa has been both stage and victim of great acts of genocide. For more some three centuries, a consortium of European nations laid siege on Africa and carried out the capture, sale and enslavement of Africans, as well as the appropriation of Africans’ land and other resources. Adam Hochschild, in his book titled King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror, and Heroism in Colonial Africa, offers us a grimly fascinating exploration of the savage violence that accompanied and was authorized by imperialist incursions into the Congo. 

In the 1980s and 1990s, Africans and the world were horrified by the use – in, among other places, the Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone, the Sudan, and Rwanda – of rape, enslavement, and the amputation of limbs as modes of war. 

It is not widely recognized that those shocking acts were virtually lifted from the bloody manual of King Leopold 11’s gruesome and sickening pillaging of the Congo’s human and natural resources. If this fact is not general knowledge, it is in part because, both among Africans as well as Europeans, some of the horrendous depredatory practices fomented and fertilized by Euro-imperialism remain unknown or unspoken. 

In an effort to maximize the harvesting of wild rubber that fed King Leopold’s depraved appetite for profit, the Belgian potentate’s operatives were authorized to kidnap children and women, who were then ransomed back to their disconsolate fathers and husbands in exchange for ever increasing amounts of rubber. 

Hochschild writes that, “Like the hostage-taking, the severing of hands was deliberate policy…If a village refused to submit to the rubber regime, state or company troops or their allies sometimes shot everyone in sight, so that nearby villages would get the message.” Hochschild then makes the point that “As the rubber terror spread throughout the rain forest, it branded people with memories that remained raw for the rest of their lives.” 

It is important to underline, then, that the massacre in Asaba was far from exceptional. The critical difference between Asaba and, say, My Lai, is that there was some gesture to investigate what happened in Vietnam. Ultimately, the outcome of the My Lai investigations fell terribly short of expectations. Still bogged down in a war that baffled the best of its military tacticians, the United States’ was far from prepared to fully expose its unattractive underbelly. There was no doubt that the American public was horrified by the mowing down of defenseless Vietnamese men, women and children, even if the soldiers who wielded the guns were spared any sanctions. 
 
In the case of the massacre in Asaba, the Nigerian state’s recourse to silence is indefensible. At minimum, the government should admit that its soldiers committed a gruesome act. 

Even so, we must state that no amount of cash can redeem a life, or fully atone for the torment faced by survivors of casualties – those whose lives were unjustly taken. A deeper act of restitution is called for. And that is why the project to erect a permanent monument to the victims of the massacre is of utmost importance. 

Until and unless we provide a space to honor the memory of the innocents executed in cold blood, for no just cause, we condemn ourselves to the fury and bitterness of the unappeased. 

(This column is the first part of Ndibe’s keynote at the Asaba Memorial Park Symposium in Tampa, Florida)

Ulor Festival: How Asaba Youth Celebrated It

 Preparation at the village level, these youths woke up as early as 4am to prepare

 Two families (Okonta and Odiwe) at umuekwo Ogbe-Obi pu;;ed their energies together with a common faith that this year's Ulor Festival must usher in the best, IGWE BU IKE.

 Burning away before dawn all the past years's ills, misfortune and set-backs

 More of Ani Ahaba Youth At Ihu-Ani Ajaji, preparing for the Festival with chants of faith and flame of purification

 Cleansing as of fire, Ani Ahaba youths sanitizing the town with their faith and strength

 Like our  feather's conquered illand bad-luck, in same spirit and faith, we cleanse and make our land pure with faith, works, thoughts and actions.

Towards Dawn, After casting their Log Of Woods Into The River Bank Shrine Of Onishe Ahaba, Ani Ahaba Youth, gather at the great Oma Shrine, to be administered the white chalk, Nzu Ocha by Ohene Ahaba. After which in groups they dance home with the abundant chant of OLOKOTO IPO

Ahiara Declaration, 2015 & The Struggle For Igbo Emancipation

Masterweb Reports

A colloquium on Ahiara declaration (January 16-17, 2012 ) formed one of the frontlines of activities to commemorate the life, times, tremendous courage and sacrifice of late Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, leader of the then Republic of Biafra which now comprises of South Eastern and South-Southern parts of Nigeria.

Ahiara declaration made by Ojukwu on June 1, 1969, two years into the Nigeria-Biafra war of 1967-1970, has been described by analysts as masterpiece political and ideological testament in which a vision of a new society was articulated in the light of the contradictions that led to the civil war and near breakup of Nigeria. It was a moral boost to the Biafran struggle.

As Igbo prepares for the burial of her illustrious and brave son and hero, Dim Emeka Ojukwu, it becomes pertinent, not only once, to recount the declaration of unity, focus and bravery which mark the Igbo spirit – declaration made by Eze Igbo Gburugburu himself.

Below is a paper presentation by Chief Charles O. Okereke, Publisher - Nigeria Masterweb at the Colloquium On Ahiara Declaration held January 16-17, 2012 in Ahiara, Mbaise, Imo State, Nigeria – at the venue of the declaration by Ojukwu in 1969.

                           Ahiara Declaration, 2015 And The Struggle For Igbo Emancipation

                                                      By Chief Charles O. Okereke

       ( Paper Presentation At The Colloquium On Ahiara Declaration – January 16-17, 2012 )

Igbo Kwenu!

Ohanaeze Kwenu!

Ndigbo kwezuonu!

Nke onye chiri, ya zara.

Fathers, mothers, elders, brothers, sisters, ladies and gentlemen, I stand gratefully here today, in my humble self, to address a nation whom God has blessed with all blessings, a people bound in love, wisdom and unbreakable unity, and before great men and women whose desire for a better posterity is unmatched all over the world.

I stand here today, the least of the brothers, first of all, to show my undiluted gratitude to Igbo who, even in the midst of great injustice and threat to slavery, especially in the 60s, came out en masse - leaving everything we held dear - our families, barns and business- to defend our generation against a common enemy - the spirit of genocide and annihilation – and to gain an eternal place for our people in a free world.

Age, experience and ‘Nzuko Igbo” have taught me that the spirit of Igbo is one; indeed we are one and we cannot be anything else but united- no matter the height of our jubilations or the depth of our sorrows.

Above all, I stand here before you, Ndi nwem, and before the God of all - our one and only king - to pour out my gratitude to God for His mercies to us all in our journey in Nigeria and in life. Although it’s been over forty (40) years since the Nigeria-Biafra war ended, you, my brothers and sisters, can still agree with me that, despite the continued unwritten law which militates against Igbo progress in Nigeria, through God, there still remain reasons to shout, once again, at the top of our voices: “Happy survival!”

On Tuesday, May 30, 1967, mandated by the elders and leaders of the old eastern region of Nigeria, late Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, leading Ndigbo and other Biafrans, declared secession from Nigeria and announced the republic of Biafra.

On June 1, 1969, two years on, and while the war was nearing its end as a result of many factors which have remained recited in different quarters, our leader, the true servant of our people, Emeka, delivered the speech known as “The Ahiara Declaration.”

Not feigning non-cognizance of many opposing reasons as to why the declaration made by Ojukwu in Mbaise, Imo State, Nigeria, was made, and having been taught by age, experience and the elders, I have arrived at this obvious and irrefutable truth: the Ahiara declaration was the spirit of Igbo, the spirit of unity, survival, freedom and progress. It was the spirit of manliness which stands, taller than all, even at the point of death. Picking from the words of the declaration, and I quote: “We have fought alone, we have fought with honor, we have fought in the highest traditions of Christian civilization. Yet, the very custodians of this civilization and our one-time mentors, are the very self-same monsters who have vowed to devour us;” it was abundantly clear that the intention of true Igbo leadership and the will of the spirit of Igbo remains one and only: to keep Igbo united through thick and thin- through injustice, hypocrisy, or in good times.

The content of Ahiara declaration should, in no wise, be mistaken for weakness or a plea to those who never cared for anything besides their selfish interests and callous decisions. On reacting to external influences which militated and still militate against Igbo spirit in Nigeria, Ojukwu read: “Our struggle has far-reaching significance. It is the latest recrudescence in our time of the age-old struggle of the black man for his full stature as man. We are the latest victims of a wicked collusion between the three traditional scourges of the black man - racism, Arab-Muslim expansionism and white economic imperialism.

Playing a subsidiary role is Bolshevik Russia seeking for a place in the African sun. Our struggle is a total and vehement rejection of all those evils which blighted Nigeria, evils which were bound to lead to the disintegration of that ill-fated federation. Our struggle is not a mere resistance - that would be purely negative. It is a positive commitment to build a healthy, dynamic and progressive state, such as would be the pride of black men the world over.”

Today, the very things spoken as in prophecy still stare us in the face, not one have bettered; if anything, the pains and cries have escalated. Which shall we accept amongst these three evils: racism (tribalism, anti-Igbo), Arab-Muslim expansionism, or white economic imperialism (which has always favored other Nigerians against the Igbo)?

Do we accept any of these or do we maintain that Nigeria must rightly and urgently evolve to a healthy, dynamic and progressive state, such as would be the pride of black men the world over?

In Ahiara declaration, more than making the world, once again, inexcusable for her silence and support for the genocide against Igbo, the intention was primarily and solely centered on reviving the Igbo spirit- the spirit on oneness and unity in the face of challenges and extinction threats.

One surely cannot mistake the passion and depth of Ojukwu’s appeal to our people in the 60s to stand their ground for justice to the end as an act of surrendering or plea.

The Igbo spirit does not surrender, no matter the circumstances.

In Ojukwu’s words of encouragement and focus for our peace, and I quote “We must not flag. The tape is in sight. What we need now is a final burst of speed to breast the tape and secure the victory which will ensure for us, for all time, glory and honor, peace and progress,” I also implore and encourage us to stand up and for the Igbo course because victory - this time, not with just 28 rusty riffles, bare hands and wills to survive, but with democracy determined to take its course - is at hand and, indeed, the tape is in sight.

It was the spirit of Igbo’s unity which the Ahiara declaration rekindled. This same spirit is what I call on us all, especially at this critical time of our seemingly choking life in Nigeria, to embrace and work with, for the safeguarding of our core values and raising a grateful posterity.

“Onye ajuru anaghi aju onwe ya” is a wise Igbo saying which still stands true for the Igbo in Nigeria today; we can no longer answer the many strange names given us in Nigeria, we must, as a matter of urgency, retain our relevance and indispensability in the polity of this country.

Although the war officially ended on January 15, 1970, it’s no longer a secret that the very things which precipitated and necessitated Igbo secession have remained, nonetheless, in their multiplied dimensions.

Today, Igbo blood is still being poured all over Nigeria - especially in the North. Our fathers, mothers, husbands, wives, brothers, sisters, and children, to this very day, still fall victims of the unwritten law in Nigeria which seeks to wipe us off the map.

 Nigeria belongs to all, and that is what we, Igbo, have said and shown to all in Nigeria; yet, without having to enumerate the many wrongs done us in Nigeria, what now stands at the vertex of all truths is that the Igbo have remained and are still marginalized in Nigeria. The crescendo to which this crafted callousness has reached is no longer hidden- even before the eyes of those whose ignorance erected monuments of sorrows in every family in Igboland as a result of the war.

To attest to this, one can still hear- in many quarters of Nigeria, of the mistakes and regrets of fighting the wisdom and vision of the Igbo in Nigeria, and the invasion of our homeland form 1967-1970.

Alluding briefly to the injustice done against me and against Igbo in the African union symbols competition held from February 17 – October 31, 2003, where I was denied my rights to the first position simply and obviously because I am Igbo; the hang man’s noose against Ndigbo still dangles.

The composition of the person acclaimed to have won the first position was not played before the panel of judges, and the person to whom they sold the second position happened to be one of the judges in the panel - a rule birthed in injustice against Igbo; mine, rigged to the third position, was the only played anthem before the judges which Africans also voted the best online. Yet, only and only because I am Igbo, the very people who have ceaselessly but unsuccessfully championed for an extinct Igbo race extended their claw of injustice to the African Union.

It was in my several unaddressed petitions that I came to observe one obvious truth: from the early days of the amalgamation, through the war to this day, one thing which has stood clear above all else is the continuous machinations of some elite within Nigeria to deny and deprive Igbo of any glory- locally and in foreign spheres.

One could also still recall that Philip Emeagwali, a true son of Ala-Igbo who has made marks in the global hall of fame, has received untold criticisms and undisguised animosity towards everything Igbo from the many peoples of other tribes in Nigeria. These they have done and continue to do, not because the truth is not clear for all to see, but because the Igbo man - right from the days of Ahmadu Bello’s inflammatory and hate-filled remarks to date, has largely remained comfortably successful in all his endeavors. For these, we have been hated and marginalized.

This injustice goes beyond my humble self, Chief Charles Okereke, and Engineer Emeagwali; the desire to keep the Igbo enslaved and marginalized has become endemic in the minds of those Nigerians who would never see or appreciate any good from Igbo.

Today, you can see another dimension of this hatred leading to the massacre of our people all over the North with the very silence which greeted the pogrom and genocide of the 60s. Although these facts are there for all to see, what we, the Igbo say today, is that “enough is enough;” the marginalization of the Igbo has reached its elastic limit and the continuous blood-spilling of our people no longer serves any excuse in the quest for a united Nigeria.

If anything, they still tend to force on us the spirit of slavery and defeat; but the spirit of Igbo says “no” and our elders echo this voice of truth. Igbo is a nation of peaceful and democratic people, and we will no longer let ourselves be relegated to the background because of our Godly values and respect for mankind- no matter where they come from.

One cannot recount the many areas of marginalization of Ndigbo by the unwritten law of those bent on keeping Nigeria underdeveloped, but truly one stands out: Igbo can and will no longer accept or tolerate the seat of defeated thrust upon us by those who would never want to see us regain our God-given potentials.

This 2015, above all things, and for a truly functional and democratic Nigeria, an Igbo presidency is one thing every Igbo should and must unconditionally stand in support of. Without using bigotry, and speaking from a generally accepted point of view, the crafted, systematic and systemic denial of Igbo presidency since the war ended has grossly impeded the growth of this nation.

Some who do not wish Nigeria well may wish to differ, but, looking at what we, the Igbo, have achieved in every area of development with just N20.00 each after the civil war speaks in favor of the undying and resilient Igbo spirit.

By the virtue of our blessed inheritance, we turned forests into cities and make deserts enviable homes.

Igbo is a spirit and the spirit of Igbo is the spirit of all-round success. Having carefully studied the politics of Nigeria and how tribalism and undefined hatred and animosity against the Igbo have played their roles in impeding growth in every sector of the Nigerian society, I humbly, as our father, Dim severally did before he returned home, make these passionate pleas:

1. That Igbo should, and as a matter of survival and living, must come, once again and forever, together in the spirit of the Ahiara declaration to assert our basic rights in Nigeria.
2. That the Igbo take it upon us, from this very blessed and memorable day, to champion for Igbo presidency in Nigeria come 2015.
3. That our leaders- in their different capacities- do whatever it takes, in the spirit of true federalism, to prevail upon our friends and neighbors from other tribes and ethic groups within Nigeria on the need for an Igbo presidency come 2015. We, as Igbo nation, have severally, in the past, stood behind and seen to the successes of peoples from other tribes and ethnicities in Nigeria for the post of the presidency - a post no Igbo has occupied since we lost in a “no victor no vanquished” war.
4. That, in other to achieve this, every other matter and reason for disparity and disagreements amongst us should and must be relegated to the background and all efforts, wisdom, knowledge, understanding, resources and time be channeled towards communicating with, educating, and reaching agreements with our people in their different positions and beliefs in Nigeria.
5. That, this time, as a nation united unto eternity, we must speak with a voice to the rest of Nigerians of the need, justice and inevitability of accepting and having an Igbo presidency come 2015. Subjugation is not our inheritance and the spirit of slavery in times of great freedom is strange to us.
6. That every politics we play henceforth, no matter the party, be rooted in the conviction and steps towards producing an Igbo presidency come 2015.
7. That, in all wisdom, looking at the prevailing party in Nigeria today, and its zoning methods which have always rubbed us of our rights to the presidency since the war ended, it has now become pertinent and expedient to consider coming together and joining talents and resources in a party which agrees to true federalism and which supports, unconditionally, an Igbo presidency this 2015.
8. That, unlike decades gone, we should make it clearly understood by all and sundry in Nigeria that the rejection of an Igbo presidency come 2015 would amount to Nigeria’s unfeeling of the Igbo pains and marginalization for over half a century. And making it clear that, should Nigeria and the elite who have and always would want an incapacitated Igbo in Nigeria, remain adamant on denying us our God-given rights in Nigeria, the only alternative left to us may be to lead our people out of a nation where we have remained rejected, robbed, marginalized and killed- despite our unrivaled competence and contributions towards a better Nigeria.

Today, as in the day of the declaration of our survival and the passionate appeal to keep fate in the midst of life-threatening dangers, as in the day of Ahiara declaration, I, in the spirit of our great leader, Dim Ojukwu, who has gone to rest, and in true Igbo spirit, once again, passionately implore every Igbo and Igbo body- the Ohanaeze Ndigbo- to rally round the spirit of our survival that, this time, we may not only live to survive, but survive to live in our land and in Nigeria…like the rest of Nigerians.

In this plea to come and remain forever united, it is imperative that I quote, once again, a passage in Biafra’s Ahiara declaring as it thus is: “We say that Nigerians are corrupt and take bribes, but here in our country we have among us some members of the Police and the Judiciary who are corrupt and who “eat” bribe.

We accuse Nigerians of inordinate love of money, ostentatious living and irresponsibility, but here, even while we are engaged in a war of national survival, even while the very life of our nation hangs in the balance, we see some public servants who throw huge parties to entertain their friends; who kill cows to christen their babies. We have members of the Armed Forces who carry on “attack” trade instead of fighting the enemy. We have traders who hoard essential goods and inflate prices thereby increasing the people’s hardship. We have “money-mongers” who aspire to build hundreds of plots on land as yet unreclaimed from the enemy; who plan to buy scores of lorries and buses and to become agents for those very foreign businessmen who have brought their country to grief. We have some civil servants who think of themselves as masters rather than servants of the people. We see doctors who stay idle in their villages while their countrymen and women suffer and die.”

It is imperative, my people, that in order to actualize an Igbo presidency come 2015, we, as a untied people, must do our best to shun these things which have reduced Nigeria to a nation of unbearable corruption.

An Igbo presidency, you well know, will accord us with the power and mandate to correct the many injustices and balance the polity in the country - enabling every region and constituency to have as much rights to Nigeria as every other area within Nigeria. This has exclusively been denied us over these decades.

Our leaders – from federal to state levels – must take it upon themselves to lead by example because, until this is aptly done, our children and the youths of our land will continue to find it difficult to comprehend any rational in listening to us as elders, let alone adhering to our good leadership and instructions.

Ohanaeze na ndi nwen, finally, with the spirit of heaviness and uncertainty for our great loss in Eze Igbo, Chief Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, (let us maintain once again a minute of silence for Dim), finally, ndi nwem, let us rekindle the Igbo spirit which entails unity, formidable force, peace, justice, equality, progress, health, pride and life.

May God grant us wisdom, willingness, and resources to build a future for our children- a future for which they will remain eternally grateful; a future which will announce to the whole world the arrival of the true Igbo.

It’s the Igbo spirit and we have partaken of this grace in our noble births. Thank you and God bless you all. Amen.

Signed:

Chief Charles O. Okereke, B.S., M.S.
People’s Servant (Ps.)
Publisher, Nigeria Masterweb ( www.nigeriamasterweb.com )

AWO knew the truth about Biafra but he chose to betray the Biafran Cause

Speech by Chief Obafemi Awolowo made to the Western leaders of thought, in
Ibadan, 1 May 1967, as published on the pages of Daily Times, 2 May 1967 and as

 quoted in"Crisis and Conflict in Nigeria (Volume 1), January 1966-July 1971" by A.
H. M. Kirk-Greene, speaks volumes, about the mindset and the line of thought the South Western Political Leader placed  more emphasis on at that time on national crisis.

Scholars and researchers of Nigerian Historical Crisis have time and time again questioned Chief Awolowo’s 360 turn at his earlier political philosophy.

Who changed his political ideologies, what changed his earlier support for the belief system the south east once held strong, for which he was ready to replicate in the south west? Why did the leader turned his people’s attention to a different school of thought.

 Awolowo Promises West will secede if the East does in a speech to western
leaders, we are still lost at what went wrong, and at what point the game changed, who facilitated the change, for what reasons the game plan change, today between the south west and south east, who is most comfortable with the current nation realities.

The questions are never ending, with ever sprouting new hydra headed issues, the younger generation have too many unanswered questions, questions about injustice, marginalization, inequality and other vices against humanity.

As you read the piece below you will figure out why we chose the above head line, happy reading:

The aim of a leader should be the welfare of the people whom he leads. I
have used 'welfare' to denote the physical, mental and spiritual
well-being of the people. With this aim fixed unflinchingly and
unchangeably before my eyes I consider it my duty to Yoruba people in
particular and to Nigerians in general, to place four imperatives before
you this morning. Two of them are categorical and two are conditional.
Only a peaceful solution must be found to arrest the present worsening
stalemate and restore normalcy. The Eastern Region must be encouraged to
remain part of the Federation. If the Eastern Region is allowed by acts
of omission or commission to secede from or opt out of Nigeria, then the
Western Region and Lagos must also stay out of the Federation. The people
of Western Nigeria and Lagos should participate in the ad hoc committee or
any similar body only on the basis of absolute equality with the other
regions of the Federation.

I would like to comment briefly on these four imperatives. There
has, of late, been a good deal of sabre rattling in some parts of the
country. Those who advocate the use force for the settlement of our
present problems should stop a little and reflect. I can see no vital and
abiding principle involved in any war between the North and the East. If
the East attacked the North, it would be for purpose of revenge pure and
simple. Any claim to the contrary would be untenable. If it is claimed
that such a war is being waged for the purpose of recovering the real and
personal properties left behind in the North by Easterners two insuperable
points are obvious. Firstly, the personal effects left behind by
Easterners have been wholly looted or destroyed, and can no longer be
physically recovered. Secondly, since the real properties are immovable in
case of recovery of them can only be by means of forcible military
occupation of those parts of the North in which these properties are
situated. On the other hand, if the North attacked the East, it could only
be for the purpose of further strengthening and entrenching its position
of dominance in the country.

If it is claimed that an attack on the East is going to be
launched by the Federal Government and not by the North as such and that
it is designed to ensure the unity and integrity of the Federation, two
other insuperable points also become obvious. First, if a war against the
East becomes a necessity it must be agreed to unanimously by the remaining
units of the Federation. In this connection, the West, Mid- West and Lagos
have declared their implacable opposition to the use of force in solving
the present problem. In the face of such declarations by three out of
remaining four territories of Nigeria, a war against the East could only
be a war favoured by the North alone. Second, if the true purpose of such
a war is to preserve the unity and integrity of the Federation, then these
ends can be achieved by the very simple devices of implementing the
recommendation of the committee which met on August 9 1966, as reaffirmed
by a decision of the military leaders at Aburi on January 5 1967 as well
as by accepting such of the demands of the East, West, Mid-West and Lagos
as are manifestly reasonable, and essential for assuring harmonious
relationships and peaceful co-existence between them and their brothers
and sisters in the North.


Some knowledgeable persons have likened an attack on the East to
Lincoln's war against the southern states in America. Two vital factors
distinguish Lincoln's campaign from the one now being contemplated in
Nigeria. The first is that the American civil war was aimed at the
abolition of slavery - that is the liberation of millions of Negroes who
were then still being used as chattels and worse than domestic animals.
The second factor is that Lincoln and others in the northern states were
English-speaking people waging a war of good conscience and humanity
against their fellow nationals who were also English speaking. A war
against the East in which Northern soldiers are predominant, will only
unite the Easterners or the Ibos against their attackers, strengthen them
in their belief that they are not wanted by the majority of their
fellow-Nigerians, and finally push them out of the Federation.

We have been told that an act of secession on the part of the East
would be a signal, in the first instance, for the creation of the COR
state by decree, which would be backed, if need be, by the use of force.
With great respect, I have some dissenting observations to make on this
declaration. There are 11 national or linguistic groups in the COR areas
with a total population of 5.3 millions. These national groups are as
distinct from one another as the Ibos are distinct from them or from the
Yorubas or Hausas. Of the 11, the Efik/Ibibio/Annang national group are
3.2 million strong as against the Ijaws who are only about 700,000 strong.
Ostensibly, the remaining nine national group number 1.4 millions. But
when you have subtracted the Ibo inhabitants from among them, what is left
ranges from the Ngennis who number only 8,000 to the Ogonis who are
220,000 strong. A decree creating a COR state without a plebiscite to
ascertain the wishes of the peoples in the area, would only amount to
subordinating the minority national groups in the state to the dominance
of the Efik/Ibibio/Annang national group. It would be perfectly in order
to create a Calabar state or a Rivers state by decree, and without a
plebiscite. Each is a homogeneous national unit. But before you lump
distinct and diverse national units together in one state, the consent of
each of them is indispensable. Otherwise, the seed of social disquilibrium
in the new state would have been sown.

On the other hand, if the COR State is created by decree after the
Eastern Region shall have made its severance from Nigeria effective, we
should then be waging an unjust war against a foreign state. It would be
an unjust war, because the purpose of it would be to remove 10 minorities
in the East from the dominance of the Ibos only to subordinate them to the
dominance of the Efik/Ibibio/Annang national group. I think I have said
enough to demonstrate that any war against the East, or vice versa, on any
count whatsoever, would be an unholy crusade, for which it would be most
unjustifiable to shed a drop of Nigerian blood. Therefore, only a peaceful
solution must be found, and quickly too to arrest the present rapidly
deteriorating stalemate and restore normalcy.

With regard to the second categorical imperative, it is my
considered view that whilst some of the demands of the East are excessive
within the context of a Nigerian union, most of such demands are not only
wellfounded, but are designed for smooth and steady association amongst
the various national units of Nigeria.

The dependence of the Federal Government on financial
contributions from the regions? These and other such like demands I do not
support. Demands such as these, if accepted, will lead surely to the
complete disintegration of the Federation which is not in the interest of
our people. But I wholeheartedly support the following demands among
others, which we consider reasonable and most of which are already
embodied in our memoranda to the Ad Hoc Committee....

That revenue should be allocated strictly on the basis of
derivation; that is to say after the Federal Government has deducted its
own share for its own services the rest should be allocated to the regions
to which they are attributable.

That the existing public debt of the Federation should become the
responsibility of the regions on the basis of the location of the projects
in respect of each debt whether internal or external.

That each region should have and control its own
militia and police force.

That, with immediate effect, all military personnel should be
posted to their regions of origin....

If we are to live in harmony one with another as Nigerians it is
imperative that these demands and others which are not related, should be
met without further delay by those who have hitherto resisted them. To
those who may argue that the acceptance of these demands will amount to
transforming Nigeria into a federation with a weak central government, my
comment is that any link however tenuous, which keeps the East in the
Nigerian union, is better in my view than no link at all.

Before the Western delegates went to Lagos to attend the meetings
of the ad hoc committee, they were given a clear mandate that if any
region should opt out of the Federation of Nigeria, then the Federation
should be considered to be at an end, and that the Western Region and
Lagos should also opt out of it. It would then be up to Western Nigeria
and Lagos as an independent sovereign state to enter into association with
any of the Nigerian units of its own choosing, and on terms mutually
acceptable to them. I see no reason for departing from this mandate. If
any region in Nigeria considers itself strong enough to compel us to enter
into association with it on its own terms, I would only wish such a region
luck. But such luck, I must warn, will, in the long run be no better than
that which has attended the doings of all colonial powers down the ages.
This much I must say in addition, on this point. We have neither military
might nor the overwhelming advantage of numbers here in Western Nigeria
and Lagos. But we have justice of a noble and imperishable cause on our
side, namely: the right of a people to unfettered self-determination. If
this is so, then God is on our side, and if God is with us then we have
nothing whatsoever in this world to fear.

The fourth imperative, and the second conditional one has been
fully dealt with in my recent letter to the Military Governor of Western
Nigeria, Col. Robert Adebayo, and in the representation which your
deputation made last year to the head of the Federal Military Government,
Lt. Col. Yakubu Gowon. As a matter of fact, as far back as November last
year a smaller meeting of leaders of thought in this Region decided that
unless certain things were done, we would no longer participate in the
meeting of the ad hoc committee. But since then, not even one of our
legitimate requests has been granted. I will, therefore, take no more of
your time in making further comments on a point with which you are well
familiar. As soon as our humble and earnest requests are met, I shall be
ready to take my place on the ad hoc committee. But certainly, not before.

In closing, I have this piece of advice to give. In order to resolve
amiably and in the best interests of all Nigerians certain attributes are
required on the part of Nigerian leaders, military as well as non-military
leaders alike, namely: vision, realism and unselfishness. But above all ,
what will keep Nigerian leaders in the North and East unwaveringly in the
path of wisdom, realism and moderation is courage and steadfastness on the
part of Yoruba people in the course of what they sincerely believe to be
right, equitable and just. In the past five years we in the West and Lagos
have shown that we possess these qualities in a large measure. If we
demonstrate them again as we did in the past, calmly and heroically, we
will save Nigeria from further bloodshed and imminent wreck and, at the
same time, preserve our freedom and self-respect into the bargain.

May God rule and guide our deliberations here, and endow all the
Nigerian leaders with the vision, realism, and unselfishness as well as
courage and steadfastness in the course of truth, which the present
circumstances demand.

ENUGU-BASED YOUTH-LED ORGANIZATIONS MARK YOUTH DAY

                                           

                                      PRESS RELEASE

The Entrepreneurship Initiative for African Youth (EIFAY) Enugu in partnership with Eagles Nest Youth Development International are hosting “Youth in Focus” forum to mark the International Youth Day 2012. The forum will hold at Teachers’ Hall by Otigba junction Enugu, Nigeria on Sunday 12th August 2012. 3pm dot. Call Emma thru 08033751328 or Lifted at 07060668966

This forum is an example of EIFAY’s commitment to its vision of raising young entrepreneurs for the transformation of 21st century African economy; and to mobilizing youths as active participants in building a better world through youth entrepreneurship development activities for employment generation, socio-economic transformation and prosperity of African continent. The forum also serves as the Pre-summit event for the forthcoming South East Zonal Youth Entrepreneurship Summit by November 2012 to be organized by EIFAY Enugu. Discussions at the forum will be centred on the theme of this year’s International Youth Day (Building a better world: Partnering with the youth) and exploring possible ways the society can partner with youths in building a better world through youth entrepreneurship development.

Through group discussions, the forum asks the following questions:

a. What are important challenges related to youth and employment in the society?
b. What should be done to promote youth employment in South East Nigeria?
c. What are important challenges/issues related to youth entrepreneurship in the society?
d. What should be done to promote youth entrepreneurship in South East Nigeria?

Key presenters at the forum are young leaders from the following organizations;

Emmanuel Egwu Acha is the founder & chairman of Entrepreneurship Initiative for African Youth (EIFAY), -a youth entrepreneurship development NGO based in Enugu. Emmanuel Acha is a young leader, inspirational entrepreneur and social innovator based in Enugu Nigeria. Mr. Acha as he is fondly called bagged a national Top12 Project Award in November 2009 at Sheralton Hotel Abuja on the emergence of his project as the best in the category of “Youth & ICT Promotion” and in recognition of his strategic role in youth development and nation building by the Federal Ministry of Youth Development Abuja. Mr. Emmanuel Acha is a strategic thinker, organizational czar and has impacted positively on numerous young lives in Nigeria.

Titus Lifted Nnamani is the President of Eagles Nest Youth Development International- a youth development NGO based in Enugu Nigeria. Since 2010, Titus Nnamani has joined the league of young leaders making strategic impact in social entrepreneurship and talent development activities.

OGONI DECLARES "SELF GOVERNMENT

“We are acting with legitimacy to reclaim all of our rights, without exception,” says Goodluck Diigbo

Jubilations are continuing throughout Ogoniland after the Ogoni people in southern Nigeria, today, Thursday, 2nd of August declared political autonomy.

In a live broadcast on a newly established radio station: Voice of Ogoni, MOSOP President/Spokesman, Dr. Goodluck Diigbo vowed that:“By this declaration of political autonomy, we, the Ogoni people are determined to enforce the United Nations Declaration on Rights of Indigenous Peoples, without fear or retreat,” Diigbo said.

Diigbo affirmed that self-government within Nigeria will secure for the Ogoni people, their indigenous rights, enable them to meet their needs and interests and finally end internal colonialism.

Diigbo said self-government became urgent recognizing the need to arrive at a consensus to collectively review the disputed UNEP Ogoniland Oil Assessment report, because any dialogue must be with the genuinely elected representatives of the people expected to enforce indigenous rights without dictation.

In the broadcast, Diigbo further underscored the reason for the urgency of self-government for Ogoni: “Concerned that in the absence of a responsive government that the indigenous people of Ogoni will continue to suffer from historic injustices.”

Diigbo stated: “In order to make indigenous rights practicable in Ogoni, we have through a very transparent electoral college process, beginning with community by community elections, set up 272 village councils, while the village councils in turn elected representatives for 33 district councils and the district representatives went on to elect representatives to serve at the center as custodians of customs and traditions, otherwise called lawmakers.”

“The law makers in turn elected the executive arm of the Ogoni Central Indigenous Authority (OCIA) with checks and balances inbuilt to ensure corruption-free, effective, efficient and answerable system of grassroots self-government instead of the old, corrupt and mismanaged local government system endured by the Ogoni for decades,” Diigbo explained.

“In taking these measures, we are quite aware of the discomfort to about 56 local politicians that control local government politics in Ogoni, however, we care more about the 1.2 million people that have for too long been excluded,” he stated.

He announced that a Transitional Committee was already set up to facilitate dialogue to ensure peaceful transition, within 30 days, while consultation with the national government and international community begins without delay.

Diigbo emphasized the need for Ogonis to remain law-abiding and act nonviolently; saying “we are acting with legitimacy to reclaim all of our rights, without exception, and for the sake of peace and security; let no one test the collective will of the Ogoni people, because we will not surrender our indigenous rights anymore.”

Excerpts:
Read the excerpts on Saharareporters.

NOMADIC POLITICIANS IN ANAMBRA STATE

	Politics in Nigeria is not based on objective parameters but recklessly driven by subjective inclinations. In advanced democracies, politics is a contest of ideas within party platforms and a political party could be conceptualized as a formal organization with ideology whose most fundamental objective is the control of the governmental apparatus. In their bid to control seat of power, parties mount vigorous electioneering campaigns in order to sell to the electorate their programme of action as outlined in their manifesto. There is an implicit assumption therefore that ideally people will belong to a political party based on ideology and subscribe to the developmental ideas, strategies and cardinal programmes enshrined in their party  manifesto. Therefore, rate of political prostitution in Anambra state is now at worrisome stage.  Of course, change is only thing permanent in life. Human beings are quite susceptible to changes. But changes could be selfish in which case a person desires a change purely because the prevailing state of affairs does not grant him an opportunity for the realization of certain personal gains and ambitions. On the other hand, there could be changes motivated by altruistic considerations in which case, the change could be sought for the greater benefit of people or collectivity. In the Nigerian political scene with particular reference to Anambra State , changing political loyalties by politicians is gradually becoming an obscene pattern. Conscience and integrity are no longer properties of many politicians in Anambra State , what is prevailing there is a cast of clowns, comedians and political charlatans, people with unenviable reputation.            Only few politicians in Anambra State have shunned political infidelity and have been in one party since 1999, these are Dr. Alex Ekwueme, Amb.Jerry Ugokwe, Barrister Olisa Metu, Professor A.B.C. Nwosu, Former Governor Virgy Etiaba, Sir Emeka Offor,  Sir Cletus Ibeto, Professor Stella Okuna, Dr Tony Macfoy Akachukwu, Princess Stella Oduah, Okey Ezenwa, Chief Simon Okeke, Churchil Ezeama, Joe Onwuasoeze,  Chief Nzube Etoniru, Amb. Sam Okechukwu, Barrister Okey MuoAro, Barrister Ivy Obi Okoye, Tony Nwoye and some few others.  The massive political party decampings which we have been witnessing in Anambra State since 1999 have demonstrated that unlike what ideal party men should be, Anambra politicians have this propensity to remain only superficially committed to their party programmes and objectives.  Like a piece of chaff, they seem to be ever ready to be wavering about in the political wind with the expectation that they would eventually settle where the political terrain is ubiquitously dotted with patches of milk and honey.  In other words, an average Anambra politician does not necessarily have to be guided by principles, to him the best place to be is where the material pay is most attractive.           Now, check out the nomadic movement of some of these prominent Anambra politicians since the inception of this democracy in 1999.  These carpet crossers or gold diggers always discarded a chunk of their integrity for inordinate ambitions and selfish reasons. Governor Peter Gregory Obi, a business man and now a crafty politician came into Anambra stormy politics with a poster asking whether Anambra is under curse, he moved from P.D.P to A.N.P.P before he connived with late Chief Emeka Ojukwu and snatched A.P.G.A governorship ticket already given to Chief Ralph Nwosu. The current speaker of Anambra House of Assembly, Princess Chinwe Nwebili won her first election in 2007 under the platform of P.D.P.  She is now in A.P.G.A.  Almost all the current members of Anambra  House of Assembly from P.D.P, A.C.N, and Accord parties are now in A.P.G.A.           Senator Clement Annie Okonkwo and Barrister Joe Martins Uzodike are dancing like flirtatious women in political arena of Anambra State .  Senator Okonkwo was in P.D.P and contested 1998 Senaorial Primaries and narrowly lost to Senator Ajaegbo.  He later joined ANPP in 2003, he came back to P.D.P and won Senatorial Seat in 2007.  he left P.D.P again in 2009 and joined P.P.A where he sponsored his friend Hon. Uche Ekwunife as the P.P.A Governorship candidate for 2010 election.  After this election he came back to P.D.P where he lost Senatorial Primaries and moved to Accord Party and lost his Senatorial seat in 2011 elections, he is now either P.D.P or A.P.G.A.           Like Senator Okonkwo, Barrister Joe Martins Uzodike the recently appointed Commissioner of Information Anambra State was in P.D.P where he contested 1998 House of Representatives Primaries and lost to Amb. Jerry Ugokwe, he contested 2003 governorship election on platform of U.N.P.P with slogan “Solutions 2003”.  He rejoined P.D.P after 2003 elections and was given an obscure post by Dr Chris Ngige, he moved to A.P.G.A and supported Mr Peter Obi in his second term bid as one of his campaign coordinators.  He came back to P.D.P and later followed Senator Annie Okonkwo to Accord Party in 2011 and was one of his campaign directors.  He abandoned Senator Okonkwo in Accord party and fled back to A.P.G.A where he is now a Commissioner.            Iyom Uche Ekwunife, a fast moving lady.  She was a strong confidant of former Governor C.C. Mbadinuju then she was in bank.  She entered politics in 2005 and contested 2006 P.D.P House of Representatives primaries with Barrister (Mrs) Nkechi Mba and she won.  With immense help from Senator Annie Okonkwo, she defeated Barrister Emeka Etiaba and Engineer Chikwendu and clinched P.P.A Governorship ticket in 2010.  After the 2010 election, she came back to P.D.P and then left to join A.P.G.A in 2011 where she won her second term in House of Representatives.           Honourable Charles Odedo, an absentee legislator and bench warmer in House of Representatives, he was in all factions of P.D.P in Anambra State before he joined A.C.N.  Hon. C.I.D Maduabum was a two term member of House of Representatives, he moved from P.D.P to Accord Party and lost his seat 2011 elections, he is now legislative Aide to Deputy Speaker Sir Emeka         Ihediora, his friend and former colleague just because of power and privilege.  Chief Ken Emekai was the pioneer secretary of P.D.P in Anambra State , he later became Commissioner of Works under Dr. Mbadunuju, he joined A.D in 2003 and later came back to P.D.P after several months in detention in connection with the brutal murder of Barrister Barnabas Igwe and his wife.  He left P.D.P for Hope Party and then to Labour Party, in recent times he is claiming to be State Chairman of P.D.P.            Other Anambra politicians that have moved like Fulani herdsmen in search of greener pasture are Senator Emma Anosike from P.D.P to A.C.N now back to P.D.P.  Senator Joy Emodi from P.D.P to A.P.G.A now back to P.D.P, Senator Andy Uba from P.D.P to Labour Party now back to P.D.P.  Hon. Nicholas Ukachukwu from P.D.P to Hope Party now back to P.D.P,  Barrister Obinna Uzoh from P.D.P to N.D.P now in P.D.P.  The dethroned godfather, Chris Uba (Eselu) from A.N.P.P to P.D.P, then to D.P.P in 2007 then back to P.D.P.  Others are Professor Dora Akunyili, Hon Chuma Nzeribe, Senator Ikechukwu Obiora, Former Governor C.C. Mbadinuju, Hon, Uche Ekwunife, Former Speakers K.C. Enemuo, Emeka Anyanetu and Ifeanyi Enemchukwu, Chief P,C. Agu, Chief Chike Uzoewulu, Sir Kosigine Ufondu, Rommy Igwe Ototo, former Deputy Governor Chinedu Emeka, Chief Felix Oli, former Minister Tim Menakaya, Dr, Emeka Eze, Mr Ifeanyi Ubah (Capital Oil), Dr. Obi Ogbolu, Hon. Chidi Duru, Hon. Celestine Ughanze and host of others.           In the light of these numerous examples, one cannot resist the temptation to brand these people jumping from one party to other as mercenaries who see politics as a means of self enrichment and aggrandizement.  And at this juncture, it is pertinent to look at a very fundamental question.  Is a nomadic politician trust worthy?  I might not be able to give a straight forward answer to this question.  However, I can say that the political merchant of fortune is like the proverbial leopard that cannot change his colour.  The political mercenary is powerfully motivated by the desire to reach his political paradise through any available and expedient channel; he is like a pastoral Fulani or massai tribesmen, always on the move for better political pasture.           This is simple truth, these nomadic Anambra politicians may not be trust worthy, hence the compelling necessity not to entrust them with any sensitive or important position.  Their level of commitment as party men is nearest to zero, their chameleonic actions are usually done without pangs of conscience and they can desert their people any time and without notice.  I may then conclude with the description of mercenaries as was given by the philosopher, Machiavelli in his book, Prince.           Machiavelli did not mince words in recommending that any wise prince should avoid using mercenaries in fighting his wars.  According to him, these mercenaries are useless and dangerous, disloyal and undisciplined.  They are brave among friends but cowardly before the enemy, they have no fear of God, neither do they keep faith with their fellow men.  Such description aptly fits the nomadic and mercenary politicians of Anambra State and as 2014 governorship election is fast approaching, let Anambra people resolve that they should no longer entrust their destiny in the rough hands of these political buccaneers. Sampson Anezu writes from Nnewi. 08035400997

5 TIPS TO IMPROVE YOUR PERSONAL EFFECTIVENESS AS A LEADER OR MANAGER

 

FRANK OFILI

In my previous article, I stated that everyone is a leader, or at least a potential one, no matter what position they occupy. As a manager or leader, there usually is lots of demand on you. How personally effective you are, will play a significant role in determining the results you get. The bottom-line is to turn out a result that positively affects people.

Below are 5 areas where, with improvements, you can become more personally effective:

1. Organizing your time
2. Managing your Manager
3. Working out What you do best
4. Delegating
5. Organizing your office

.
ORGANIZE YOUR TIME
In his Book “Think Like A Winner” Yehuda Shinar stated that “….we all have the same amount of time; the only thing that matters is how we make use of it…..” We only have 24 hours in the day so what determines whether we are effective or not is how we use these 24 hours each day. As a manager or leader, do you really know where or how you spend your time? I know that the vast majority of people I work with would tell me that they spend much of their time in the office working, but the question is what exactly do you spend your time doing in the office? Face-booking? Gossiping? Idling around waiting for 5pm closing time? Or looking for the most efficient and effective way to do your job? Do you even know what your key priorities or results areas are as a manager? And what do you normally do after work? I used to operate on the basis of what the day brings until 2009 when I attended a Leadership Seminar organized by Sam Adeyemi. The seminar taught me how to do the following:

1. Determine my key deliverables by meeting regularly with my boss to agree on what my key result areas (his key expectations) were

2. Do analysis of where and how I spend my after work hours. I found out that I used to spend so much weekend time with friends at Bella Gardens, Ajao Estate, drinking and watching English Premiership League matches. The funny thing was that I had DSTV at home always recharged. Why I could not watch the football matches at home, I could not understand, but I made a decision to stop. Since then I find I now enjoy quality weekend time at home and even have enough to plan my week ahead

3. The result of my time analysis also showed me that I now also have enough time to do some writing – something I enjoy doing a lot. From 2009 to date I must have written close to 200 articles. The feedbacks I get from these writings have been tremendous and encouraging. I am now more focused.

MANAGE YOUR BOSS AND YOUR SUBORDINATES
Senior people can often interrupt or get in the way without even being aware of the impact they are having. Ditto your subordinates. Imagine this scenario: you are in the middle of working through something tasking and complex when your boss wants to ask you that quick question or just quickly look at something. Or may be it is one of your subordinates who comes in seeking clarification of something. If it is something mentally challenging you were working on at that point in time, you can be sure these interruptions would derail your mental thought processes.

Make a point of meeting with your boss early in the day to know what assignment he has for you. Do this also with your immediate subordinates. This will have the effect of minimizing routine interruptions. I learnt this from my former boss at Dana Group – Mr. Sundarajan Srinivasan. Any day he had some mentally challenging work to do, he would call me early in the morning and lay out his day’s task, and ask if there were areas I needed clarification so that he would do so immediately because he would not want to be disturbed afterwards. I use this same approach with my subordinates. But a smart fellow would not wait for his boss to take the initiative. He would initiate it himself without the boss being aware of it. You might need to start with a 15 minute meeting every morning and gradually move to a weekly meeting. Find out what will work best for both of you. You may need to:

1. Set up a process with your boss where you check progress on key issues. In doing so make sure that this is scheduled regularly and that key actions are captured.

2. Agree how you will deal with the crisis or urgent requests that will arise from time to time in a way that is effective and efficient.

WORK OUT WHAT ONLY YOU CAN DO
There are likely to be a few things that only you can do because they require some specific qualification or specialized knowledge which you possess. Or that by virtue of the position you occupy, only you and you alone should do it. Chances are that there are things you are doing out of habit. There are things most managers or leaders keep doing because they think it will take too long to train someone else to do it. They then tend to always want to do it themselves believing it will be quicker that way. If you are one such manager, you are wrong. Handle those tasks which only you can or should do. Delegate the rest. But before you delegate, first categorize the tasks into three: (a) those only you can do, (b) those that could be released to someone else with some training (having done this, train someone immediately to handle them as a matter of routine) and (c) those you can stop doing altogether because they are no longer necessary

DELEGATE
Most managers struggle when it comes to delegating. They might be worried that they will lose their job because they do not have enough to do. They might be reluctant to pass on tasks for fear that someone else will not do as good a job, or even that they will do a better job. They might be convincing themselves that they do not have the time to train someone else. The truth is unless you start to delegate you will never be as efficient and effective as you could be as a manager or leader. This is because you will spend much time, effort and energy on tasks that take you away from your key results areas. You might even see your own performance dip as you try to do everything by yourself. What you need to do is determine what you can delegate and start doing it right away.

ORGANIZE YOUR OFFICE
Your work area is a critical impression point. You have to keep it neat. It is impossible to work at your most effective if your office is disorganized, untidy and disheveled. Many people like to hold on to stuff just in case they might need it. I confess sometimes I find it difficult to dispose of some things. However chances are by holding on to needless stuff you get a lot of irrelevant things lying around in your office. You might have files or bundles everywhere but are they really organized? Unless you can put your hand on things quickly and easily, chances are your office is not organized and you are probably working in chaos. Back then at Dana Group, I used to have a colleague who was so unorganized; his work area so untidy that I often wondered how he managed to get anything done in that condition. With time being so precious you cannot afford to be spending time looking for things and the easiest way to do this is to set up a system. If this is not your area of expertise, find someone who is and get them to help you set up a system. Remember that a system for finding things applies also to files saved on your computer as well as those in hard copy. With the vast majority of things being received or stored electronically, you need to organize your electronic files with the same diligence and discipline as your paper files. Solution is to set aside some time to de-clutter your office. Set up a system that will help you to be more personally effective in the future.

FRANK OFILI