The Case of Senator Olabode Ola of Ekiti State
Ephraim Emeka Ugwuonye
Senator Ola Olabode Ola won his senatorial seat for Ekiti state under the ACN (formerly AD) in the 2007 elections. However, his PDP opponent was illegally declared the winner of the elections. Senator Ola went to court to challenge this electoral fraud. It took two years of legal battles for the tribunal to declare Senator Ola the winner. So Ola was sworn in as Senator in 2009 and he remained a Senator until April 2011.
In the 2011elections, Senator Ola was again cheated out of a well earned victory. He has been back in court fighting for his mandate.
In addition to his brilliant political fights, Senator Ola has successfully fought a major legal battle against the Almighty EFCC. In 2008, the EFCC acting on an anonymous tip-off, raided the Friendly Hotel Ltd in Ado Ekiti. This happened within 48 hours to the time Senator Ola was to be in court to reclaim his electoral mandate. Clearly, what the EFCC claimed was a tip-off was nothing other than a conspiracy between the officials of EFCC and the political opponent of Senator Ola. The day of the EFCC raid on Friendly Hotels Ltd was March 31, 2008.
The connection was that the hotel belonged to Senator Ola. He had built around 2002 after retiring from a successful career in the Nigeria's Foreign Service.
What specifically was the objective of the raid? The EFCC claimed that they received a tip-off that some internet fraudsters had used the business center of the Friendly Hotels to send out scam letters via the internet. The EFCC raid was ostensibly to apprehend the alleged internet fraudsters.
The following facts were never in dispute: (1) though Senator Ola owned the Hotel, he left the management of the hotel in the hands of others. He only visited the hotel occasionally, having been spending a lot of his time around that period in Abuja. (2) The business center of the hotel, which has a cyber cafe was opened to the general public in the course of business.
On the fateful day, the EFCC operatives raided the hotel. They disrupted the business of the hotel. They ruffled guests and visitors. They made such an open show of the raid so that everyone in town would know that Senator Ola's hotel was in serious trouble with the law. Their operatives and the policemen that came with them fired several shots into the air in an unmistakable show of force. Senator Ola who happened to be in town on that day was invited to the hotel, where he was detained and interrogated by the EFCC officials. At the end of the show of force akin to the Rambo movie production, the EFCC officials casted away all the computers in the hotel's business center together with the server, and took them to the EFCC office in Lagos.
A few days after this incident, after waiting in vain to hear from the EFCC, Senator Ola sent a letter demanding to have back the computers and warning that if EFCC failed to return his computers, he was going to seek redress in the court of Law. As is customary with the EFCC officials, they ignored Senator Ola's request and warning. Senator Ola sued EFCC at the Federal High Court requesting for damages and compensation for the taking of the computers in violation of law and for the humiliation that was visited upon him by the EFCC officials.
EFCC's lawyers defended this lawsuit, but lost in the end. The court, after more than a year of litigation, awarded damages in the amount of 50.5 million Naira to Senator Ola against the EFCC. This judgment marked one of the rare occasions up to that moment where a victim of the EFCC was able to sue EFCC successfully. . EFCC leadership decided not to pay the damages awarded by court. Senator Ola had no choice but to move to enforce the judgment against EFCC and he managed to garnishee the bank account of EFCC. All these done according to the due process of the law.
The successful and lawful efforts of Senator Ola further annoyed the EFCC officials who had sworn never to respect the judgment of the court. (by the way, the full judgment is attached) The EFCC officials swore to deal with both Senator Ola and the Judge that tried the case and issued the judgment.
On Tuesday, November 22, the EFCC staff invited Senator Ola to their Abuja office for him to meet Mr. Ibrahim Lamorde to negotiate the payment of the judgment to him. On Thursday, November 24, Senator Ola went to meet the EFCC officials as requested. Instead of payment negotiation, the senator was detained by the EFCC and he was immediately moved to Lagos and has since been detained in the cell where he and Emeka Ugwuonye met.
Since Senator Ola's detention, a number of interesting events have occurred. First, EFCC officials have repeatedly told the senator that he has to share proceeds of the judgment with them if he wanted to be released. But as a matter of principle, the Senator refused to pay bribe to any official, which is one of the reasons they are still keeping him. Second, despite their bullying tactics, the EFCC officials understand that there could be consequences for unlawfully arresting and detaining the Senator. After all, he already has a judgment against them for previous violation of his rights. Therefore, to cover up their tracks, the EFCC filed 3-count criminal charges against the Senator in Ado-Ekiti Federal High Court. On Sunday, November 27, EFCC took the Senator by road to Ado Ekiti with intention to arraign him on Monday, November 28. They spent the night Akure (The Senator was kept overnight in a dirty police station in Akure. And they arrived at the court on Monday morning.
As providence would have it, the court did not sit. EFCC's plan to legalize an illegality did not work as they planned it. The officials didn't know what to do. They had hoped the court would remand the Senator in jail and they would have succeeded in humiliating him in the presence of his people. But as the court did not sit, they were at a loss as to what next to do. By the way, can you guess the offences they charged the Senator with? The charges were that the cyber cafe of Friendly Hotels Ltd was used by somebody to transmit a scam letter, and that the cyber cafe was not registered with the EFCC. And all these allegedly happened in 2008.
Another important fact about the timing of these charges is that like the raid in 2008, it is happening at a critical point in Senator Ola's effort to reclaim in the courts his stolen electoral mandate. EFCC officials are being paid by politicians to intimidate an opponent. Senator Ola is again the target of that campaign of intimidation. But the Senator is fighting them off. Like a typical bully, EFCC does not take it kindly when a person stands up to them and fights back. So, they had to keep looking for other ways to legalize the absurdity in their treatment of the Senator.
On Monday, November 28, they took Senator Ola back to Lagos. Realizing that it was then more than 48 hours after their arrest of the Senator fearing the consequence of violating the constitutional timeline for detentions of this nature, the officials quickly gave the Senator a piece of paper containing terms of administrative bail . But the terms were intentionally too onerous. They just wanted it to be that they granted him bail. Otherwise, it was not their intention to release him from detention. Still worried that despite their calculations, they feared they could still be in trouble especially given the character of a fellow inmate the senator might have been speaking with since he arrived in the cell. So they continued to look for some crooked way to legalize the unlawful detention of the Senator.
On Thursday, December 1, the EFCC officials took the Senator to an Ikeja Magistrate Court for the purpose of obtaining a detention order to continue to detain the man. The Senator did not know he was going to court until they came to the cell and asked him to dress up. It was when he asked to know where he was being taken to that he learned it was the court. The EFCC wanted this to be an ambush so that the senator's lawyers would be absent from the court. But don't mess with a Senator. Even the dumbest of them of them could be shrewed and smart. When they got to the court, they asked the magistrate to order for the Senator to be detained. The Magistrate heard from the Senator's side. Routinely, the Magistrates grant such orders to please the EFCC. But this case is different and every judge would like to ensure that he follows the law, as the Senator may fight back with the law. Indeed, in many other cases of inmates in EFCC cell, EFCC doesn't even make similar efforts to legalize their illegal acts. They just believe that ordinary guys would never be able to fight them.
So, the Magistrate looked at the EFCC lawyer and official in her court and sternly refused to sign an order to detain the Senator. When the EFCC official tried to pressure the magistrate, she asked them; do you want to become the judge so you can sign the order yourselves?. The magistrate went further to caution them that there was no way they could file a case in a Federal High Court in Ado-Ekiti and come to a magistrate court in Lagos to get an order to detain the accused. They walked out of the court in shame. And they took the senator back to the cell.
As earlier reported on elombah.com, on Friday, December 2nd, around 6:00 am, the senator fell down in the bathroom while trying to go through the morning natural routine. And he injured himself. The reason he fell was that there was no light in the cells. There had not been light for two days. Note that the generator used when the power is out belongs to the inmates and it is the inmates, not EFCC, that contribute money to buy fuel for the generator. Also, it is the inmates that buy light bulbs and such stuff in the cell. In this occasion, there was electrical fault and all the light bulbs exploded on Wednesday evening. The inmates hired electrician on Thursday to fix the problem. The problem could not be fixed in time. So there was no light in the cell Thursday night through Friday morning. The senator, not being quite familiar with the cell floor plan, stumbled and fell, injuring himself.
When the senator fell, the inmates followed some emergency they could. The guards were called in and the Senator was taken to the military hospital, the EFCC officials came to the hospital and took him away. They were taking him to a different magistrate court, Ebute Meta Magistrate Court. The officials were not happy that the first magistrate refused to issue an order the day before. Therefore, they swore to approach a magistrate they considered a good friend of EFCC. With a practiced ease, they presented their documents expecting the magistrate to sign the order. But the senator's lawyers who had been alarmed by what happened the day before were ready and waiting. They got to the court early and informed the magistrate what was going. The second magistrate called the first one to confirm what happened the day before. Then the magistrate called the EFCC lawyer to his chambers and sternly rebuked him, warning him not to come to his court again with such monkey tricks. They left the court a second time disappointed. They took the senator back to the hospital for him to continue his treatment for the injury he sustained from the fall. When the doctor asked the EFCC lawyer where they took the senator to for the past 4 hours, they lied and said they only went to check something in their office.
On the same day, the senator's lawyers in Abuja were able to obtain an interim order from a Federal High Court in Abuja, commanding the EFCC to release the senator. The order will be served on Monday, December 5. It is to be seen whether the EFCC will obey that order or whether they will try some other trick. Meanwhile, as of December 4, the senator remains in detention. He is recovering from his injury and he is strong and in high spirit. In fact, he is receiving a round-the-clock legal advice on how to fight back to defend his constitutional rights.
Incident Report prepared by Emeka Ugwuonye
Monday, December 5, 2011
White House Rejects Apology Over Pakistan Strike, Citing Probe
The White House has rejected the idea of offering a U.S. apology to Pakistan over the NATO air strikes that killed 24 Pakistani soldiers, saying an inquiry into the deadly incidents is still in progress.
White House spokesman Jay Carney on December 1 said the Obama administration has offered condolences for what he called "the tragic loss of life" in Pakistan, but he maintained that it would be premature for the White House to consider apologizing to Pakistan until a U.S.-led military investigation is complete.
"We are in the middle of an investigation -- actually, at the early stages of an investigation -- into what exactly happened," he said. "So, I think that the expression of condolences for the tragic loss of life conveys a sincere sentiment about our feelings, the president's feelings and the administration's feelings, and it goes to the importance of the relationship that we have with Pakistan."
Pakistan has alleged that the November 26 air attack on its troops in Mohmand Agency, near the Afghan border, was an unprovoked, deliberate act of agression. This has been denied by U.S. and NATO military officers, who have suggested the strikes may have resulted from a case of mistaken identity.
The "Wall Street Journal" -- quoting unnamed U.S. officials -- reported on December 2 that Pakistani officials gave the go-ahead to the NATO air strike, unaware that their own forces were in the area. The Pakistani officials were contacted to determine whether there were Pakistani forces in the area after U.S. commandos hunting Taliban militants requested an air strike after coming under fire from the Pakistani side of the border.
Pakistan's relations with the United States and NATO have soured considerably in recent weeks. In direct response to the air strike, Islamabad halted NATO supplies to neighboring Afghanistan. Pakistan has also withdrawn from next week's international conference on the future of Afghanistan, to be held in the German city of Bonn.
There has also been much controversy within Pakistan regarding a leaked memo in which Pakistani civilian officials allegedly sought U.S. help in preventing a possible military coup in exchange for concessions. Former Pakistani ambassador to the United States Husain Haqqani, who has been accused of drafting the memo, was reportedly banned on December 1 from leaving the country.
compiled from agency reports
White House spokesman Jay Carney on December 1 said the Obama administration has offered condolences for what he called "the tragic loss of life" in Pakistan, but he maintained that it would be premature for the White House to consider apologizing to Pakistan until a U.S.-led military investigation is complete.
"We are in the middle of an investigation -- actually, at the early stages of an investigation -- into what exactly happened," he said. "So, I think that the expression of condolences for the tragic loss of life conveys a sincere sentiment about our feelings, the president's feelings and the administration's feelings, and it goes to the importance of the relationship that we have with Pakistan."
Pakistan has alleged that the November 26 air attack on its troops in Mohmand Agency, near the Afghan border, was an unprovoked, deliberate act of agression. This has been denied by U.S. and NATO military officers, who have suggested the strikes may have resulted from a case of mistaken identity.
The "Wall Street Journal" -- quoting unnamed U.S. officials -- reported on December 2 that Pakistani officials gave the go-ahead to the NATO air strike, unaware that their own forces were in the area. The Pakistani officials were contacted to determine whether there were Pakistani forces in the area after U.S. commandos hunting Taliban militants requested an air strike after coming under fire from the Pakistani side of the border.
Pakistan's relations with the United States and NATO have soured considerably in recent weeks. In direct response to the air strike, Islamabad halted NATO supplies to neighboring Afghanistan. Pakistan has also withdrawn from next week's international conference on the future of Afghanistan, to be held in the German city of Bonn.
There has also been much controversy within Pakistan regarding a leaked memo in which Pakistani civilian officials allegedly sought U.S. help in preventing a possible military coup in exchange for concessions. Former Pakistani ambassador to the United States Husain Haqqani, who has been accused of drafting the memo, was reportedly banned on December 1 from leaving the country.
compiled from agency reports
Inside EFCC: The Beating of an Inmate, Ovie Saturday
Elombah.com
On Saturday, November 19, 2011, 6 EFCC operatives and a mobile police officer arrested 3 men in Lagos for alleged defrauding an American. The name of one of the men arrested is Ovie Saturday an indigene of Delta State. Upon arresting these men, the EFCC officials began aggressive interrogation of them. They threatened to kill the men unless they confessed to the offences alleged. They gave them sheets of paper to write their statements.
However, the men were not allowed to write their statements as they wanted, but were forced to incriminate themselves. After the ordeals of the first day, the men were thrown into the EFCC cell in Okotie Eboh Street, Ikoyi, Lagos.
On Monday, November, 21, in the morning, the three men were again taken to the EFCC offices for further interrogation. During the interrogation, the EFCC officers insisted that Ovie should admit in writing that he committed the offense.
When Ovie refused and insisted on his innocence, the leader of the team of the officials pounced on him and began to punch him all over his head and face. The name of the officer that attacked Ovie is Phillip. He is the head of Team D. he is a police officer on secondment to EFCC.
Other EFCC officers present at the scene include Emeka Ukpai, who is designated Investigating Police Officer. As Phillip hit Ovie, Emeka held Ovie's hands so he could not try to deflect the blows from Phillip.
Ovie sustained serious injuries from the incident. Since the incident, Ovie has been sick. He has not been able to eat as he could not move his jaws without great pains. His stuation has worsened today.
This afternoon, it was discovered by other inmates that Ovie's right ear was emitting colored fluid and his pillow and mattress were all soaked with this fluid. As they tried to help him, it was discovered that he could no longer stand on his feet. So, the inmates called the attention of the guards. They all believe it would take a miracle for Ovie to survive this. His condition is reported to be very extremely bad.
After about 4 hours of waiting for medical attention to come for Ovie, EFCC officials came to the cell and carried Ovie away. N one knows what to expect. But judging from EFCC's antecedents, they will be more interested in covering up the outrageous conducts of their officials rather than saving the life of this poor boy.
Phillip's behavior in this occasion is not an isolated behavior. He is notorious for assaulting and torturing suspects and forcing them to confess to crimes they are accused of. Phillip has never been disciplined for such conducts. Rather he has been rewarded with an elevation to the position of a Team Leader. As far as the practice of EFCC goes, Phillip represents the idea officer.
As long as he forces suspects to confess, he produces result for EFCC, with which they burnish their success indicators. Mr. Phillip is one of Mrs. Farida Waziri's best officers and will remain so as long as he continues to uphold the culture of force, intimidation and torture.
This report was written by an inmate who has chosen to withhold his name to avoid being tortured some more. The inmate shall disclose his name once he is out of detention or once Phillip is relieved of his position in EFCC and Nigerian Police.
On Saturday, November 19, 2011, 6 EFCC operatives and a mobile police officer arrested 3 men in Lagos for alleged defrauding an American. The name of one of the men arrested is Ovie Saturday an indigene of Delta State. Upon arresting these men, the EFCC officials began aggressive interrogation of them. They threatened to kill the men unless they confessed to the offences alleged. They gave them sheets of paper to write their statements.
However, the men were not allowed to write their statements as they wanted, but were forced to incriminate themselves. After the ordeals of the first day, the men were thrown into the EFCC cell in Okotie Eboh Street, Ikoyi, Lagos.
On Monday, November, 21, in the morning, the three men were again taken to the EFCC offices for further interrogation. During the interrogation, the EFCC officers insisted that Ovie should admit in writing that he committed the offense.
When Ovie refused and insisted on his innocence, the leader of the team of the officials pounced on him and began to punch him all over his head and face. The name of the officer that attacked Ovie is Phillip. He is the head of Team D. he is a police officer on secondment to EFCC.
Other EFCC officers present at the scene include Emeka Ukpai, who is designated Investigating Police Officer. As Phillip hit Ovie, Emeka held Ovie's hands so he could not try to deflect the blows from Phillip.
Ovie sustained serious injuries from the incident. Since the incident, Ovie has been sick. He has not been able to eat as he could not move his jaws without great pains. His stuation has worsened today.
This afternoon, it was discovered by other inmates that Ovie's right ear was emitting colored fluid and his pillow and mattress were all soaked with this fluid. As they tried to help him, it was discovered that he could no longer stand on his feet. So, the inmates called the attention of the guards. They all believe it would take a miracle for Ovie to survive this. His condition is reported to be very extremely bad.
After about 4 hours of waiting for medical attention to come for Ovie, EFCC officials came to the cell and carried Ovie away. N one knows what to expect. But judging from EFCC's antecedents, they will be more interested in covering up the outrageous conducts of their officials rather than saving the life of this poor boy.
Phillip's behavior in this occasion is not an isolated behavior. He is notorious for assaulting and torturing suspects and forcing them to confess to crimes they are accused of. Phillip has never been disciplined for such conducts. Rather he has been rewarded with an elevation to the position of a Team Leader. As far as the practice of EFCC goes, Phillip represents the idea officer.
As long as he forces suspects to confess, he produces result for EFCC, with which they burnish their success indicators. Mr. Phillip is one of Mrs. Farida Waziri's best officers and will remain so as long as he continues to uphold the culture of force, intimidation and torture.
This report was written by an inmate who has chosen to withhold his name to avoid being tortured some more. The inmate shall disclose his name once he is out of detention or once Phillip is relieved of his position in EFCC and Nigerian Police.
Did Igbos ever support the Yorubas Politically?
SINCE HISTORY EVERY GENUINE YORUBA LEADER WINNING, SUCCESS AND SUPPORTED ON THE NATIONAL AND FEDERAL LEVEL INCLUDING HEBERT MAUCAULAY (LAGOS SIERRA LEONE YORUBA) CHIEF AWOLOWO, OBASANJO, ABIOLA, OGUNSANYA, TOS BENSON, TINUBU, FASHOLA HAVE BEEN SUCCESSFUL ONLY, BECAUSE OF IGBO SUPPORT. WITHOUT IGBO SUPPORT ALL THESE NATIONAL YORUBA LEADERS WOULD NOT HAVE BEEN SUCCESSFUL AT NATIONAL LEVEL.
LET ME EXPLAIN IT HERE:
(1) DR. AZIKIWE, DR. MBADIWE AND THE ZIK GROUP IN NCNC WORKED WELL AND SUPPORTED TOTALLY HERBET MARCAULEY TO MAKE HIM A NATIONAL LEADER BEFORE HE DIED. WITHOUT ZIK SUPPORT HE WOULD NOT HAVE MADE IT AS A NATIONAL LEADER THAT WON ELECTION ON A NATIONAL LEVEL WITH NCNC IN THE WESTERN REGION, LAGOS REGION, EASTERN REGION, MIDDLE BELT AND NORTHERN REGION.
(2) WHEN THE HAUSAS NORTH AND YORUBA OPPONENTS OF CHIEF AWOLOWO JAILED HIM BY JUDGE SOWEMIMO AND WERE ABOUT TO KILL HIM IN JAIL WITH HIS GROUP, IT WAS IGBOS WITH GENERAL AGUIYI IRONSI AND COL OJUKWU WHO RELEASED HIM AND HIS GROUP FROM CALABAR PRISONS, AND THE RECORD IS THERE WERE HE WAS BEGGING GENERAL AGUIYI IRONSI TO RELEASE HIM FROM JAIL. HE WOULD HAVE BEEN KILLED OR DIED IN JAIL IF NOT FOR IGBOS.
(3) CHIEF ABIOLA WON THE ELECTION OF JUNE 12 BECAUSE IGBOS VOTED MASSIVELY FOR HIM AND REJECTED THEIR OWN IGBO DR. SYLVESTER UGO AND ALHAJI TOFA. IGBOS LEADERS LIKE ADMIRAL NDUBUISI KANU, DR. CHINUA ACHEBE ETC. AND MILLIONS OF IGBOS VOTED FOR ABIOLA AND FOUGHT FOR ABIOLAS MANDATE TO BE RESTORED.
(4) IGBO VOTED MASSIVLEY FOR PRESIDENT OBASANJO TO MAKE HIME PRESIDENT TWO TIMES DESPITE HIM BEING REJECTED BY HIS OWN YORUBA PEOPLE AND YORUBA LEADERS AND IGBOS GAVE PRESIDENT OBASANJO MASSIVE SUPPORT.
(5) THE BEST AND MOST SUCCESSFULL NATIONAL YORUBA LEADER TODAY IS GOVERNOR TINUBU LEADER OF ACN, AND HE IS SUCCESSFUL AND KEEP WINNING IS BECAUSE OF IGBO VOTES AND IGBO SUPPORT. TAKE AWAY IGBO VOTES AND IGBO SUPPORT FOR ACN IN LAGOS FROM ACN AND YOU WILL SEE ACN AND TINUBU FAIL EVERY ELECTION WOEFULLY IN LAGOS STATE.
(6) THE MOST SUCCESSFUL GOVERNOR IN NIGERIA TODAY WITH A NATIONAL OUTLOOK AND MOST DETRIBALISED GOVERNOR TODAY IS GOVERNOR FASHOLA OF LAGOS, BECAUSE IGBOS EMBRACED HIM AND GAVE HIM TOTAL SUPPORT. WITHOUT IGBO VOTES AND IGBO SUPPORT HE WILL NOT MAKE IT AS A NATIONAL LEADER.
(7) IGBOS HAVE FROM HISTORY CREATED AND SUPPORTED GENUINE YORUBA NATIONAL LEADERS EVEN FROM THE OLD WESTERN REGIONS OF LAGOS REGION AND YORUBA WESTERN REGION, BECAUSE THE YORUBA LEADERS IN LAGOS REGION AND WESTERN REGION WHO IGBOS WORKED WITH AND SUPPORTED IN LAGOS REGION AND WESTERN YORUBA REGION ALL BECAME NATIONAL LEADERS IN THEIR OWN RIGHT LIKE CHIEF TOS BENSON, CHIEF ADENIRAN OGUNSANYA, DAVIS ETC.
DESPITE WHAT IGBOS HAVE GONE THROUGH BEFORE THE WAR, DURING THE WAR AND SINCE AFTER THE WAR, IGBOS HAVE BY COMMISION OR OMISSION PLAYED A ROLE IN CREATING EVERY YORUBA NATIONAL LEADER OF REPUTE. THE IS NO SINGLE YORUBA LEADER OF NATIONAL OUTLOOK THAT IS NOT CREATED BY IGBO SUPPORT AND WITHOUT IGBO SUPPORT YORUBAS CANNOT PROJECT NATIONAL ACCEPTANCE
LET ME EXPLAIN IT HERE:
(1) DR. AZIKIWE, DR. MBADIWE AND THE ZIK GROUP IN NCNC WORKED WELL AND SUPPORTED TOTALLY HERBET MARCAULEY TO MAKE HIM A NATIONAL LEADER BEFORE HE DIED. WITHOUT ZIK SUPPORT HE WOULD NOT HAVE MADE IT AS A NATIONAL LEADER THAT WON ELECTION ON A NATIONAL LEVEL WITH NCNC IN THE WESTERN REGION, LAGOS REGION, EASTERN REGION, MIDDLE BELT AND NORTHERN REGION.
(2) WHEN THE HAUSAS NORTH AND YORUBA OPPONENTS OF CHIEF AWOLOWO JAILED HIM BY JUDGE SOWEMIMO AND WERE ABOUT TO KILL HIM IN JAIL WITH HIS GROUP, IT WAS IGBOS WITH GENERAL AGUIYI IRONSI AND COL OJUKWU WHO RELEASED HIM AND HIS GROUP FROM CALABAR PRISONS, AND THE RECORD IS THERE WERE HE WAS BEGGING GENERAL AGUIYI IRONSI TO RELEASE HIM FROM JAIL. HE WOULD HAVE BEEN KILLED OR DIED IN JAIL IF NOT FOR IGBOS.
(3) CHIEF ABIOLA WON THE ELECTION OF JUNE 12 BECAUSE IGBOS VOTED MASSIVELY FOR HIM AND REJECTED THEIR OWN IGBO DR. SYLVESTER UGO AND ALHAJI TOFA. IGBOS LEADERS LIKE ADMIRAL NDUBUISI KANU, DR. CHINUA ACHEBE ETC. AND MILLIONS OF IGBOS VOTED FOR ABIOLA AND FOUGHT FOR ABIOLAS MANDATE TO BE RESTORED.
(4) IGBO VOTED MASSIVLEY FOR PRESIDENT OBASANJO TO MAKE HIME PRESIDENT TWO TIMES DESPITE HIM BEING REJECTED BY HIS OWN YORUBA PEOPLE AND YORUBA LEADERS AND IGBOS GAVE PRESIDENT OBASANJO MASSIVE SUPPORT.
(5) THE BEST AND MOST SUCCESSFULL NATIONAL YORUBA LEADER TODAY IS GOVERNOR TINUBU LEADER OF ACN, AND HE IS SUCCESSFUL AND KEEP WINNING IS BECAUSE OF IGBO VOTES AND IGBO SUPPORT. TAKE AWAY IGBO VOTES AND IGBO SUPPORT FOR ACN IN LAGOS FROM ACN AND YOU WILL SEE ACN AND TINUBU FAIL EVERY ELECTION WOEFULLY IN LAGOS STATE.
(6) THE MOST SUCCESSFUL GOVERNOR IN NIGERIA TODAY WITH A NATIONAL OUTLOOK AND MOST DETRIBALISED GOVERNOR TODAY IS GOVERNOR FASHOLA OF LAGOS, BECAUSE IGBOS EMBRACED HIM AND GAVE HIM TOTAL SUPPORT. WITHOUT IGBO VOTES AND IGBO SUPPORT HE WILL NOT MAKE IT AS A NATIONAL LEADER.
(7) IGBOS HAVE FROM HISTORY CREATED AND SUPPORTED GENUINE YORUBA NATIONAL LEADERS EVEN FROM THE OLD WESTERN REGIONS OF LAGOS REGION AND YORUBA WESTERN REGION, BECAUSE THE YORUBA LEADERS IN LAGOS REGION AND WESTERN REGION WHO IGBOS WORKED WITH AND SUPPORTED IN LAGOS REGION AND WESTERN YORUBA REGION ALL BECAME NATIONAL LEADERS IN THEIR OWN RIGHT LIKE CHIEF TOS BENSON, CHIEF ADENIRAN OGUNSANYA, DAVIS ETC.
DESPITE WHAT IGBOS HAVE GONE THROUGH BEFORE THE WAR, DURING THE WAR AND SINCE AFTER THE WAR, IGBOS HAVE BY COMMISION OR OMISSION PLAYED A ROLE IN CREATING EVERY YORUBA NATIONAL LEADER OF REPUTE. THE IS NO SINGLE YORUBA LEADER OF NATIONAL OUTLOOK THAT IS NOT CREATED BY IGBO SUPPORT AND WITHOUT IGBO SUPPORT YORUBAS CANNOT PROJECT NATIONAL ACCEPTANCE
AWOLOWO LETTER BEGGING FOR PARDON IN 1966 TO AGUIYI IRONSI HEAD OF STATE OF NIGERIA
Awolowo's letter to Ironsi:
Awolowo Writes To Ironsi From Prison Pressing for His Release
(Date of Letter: 28th March, 1966)
In Posthumous Commemoration of Awo's 96th Birthday
(Date of Birth: March 6, 1909)
_____
Taken from "Adventures in Power Book One: My March Through Prison", by Obafemi Awolowo, McMillan NIgeria, pp 296-302, 1985.
CONFIDENTIAL
28th March, 1966
The Supreme Commander and
Head of the Federal Military
Government, Lagos.
Thro: The Director of Prisons,
Prisons Headquarters Office,
Private Mail Bag 12522,
Lagos.
Sir:
PREROGATIVE OF MERCY: SECTION 101 (1) (a) OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERATION ACT 1963
1. . I am writing this petition for FREE PARDON under Section 101 (1) (a) of the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963, on behalf of myself and some of my colleagues whose names are set out in the Annexe hereto.
2. Before I go further, I would like to stress that the reasons which I advance in support of this petition, in my own behalf, basically hold good for my said colleagues. For they share the same political beliefs with me, and have intense and unquenchable loyalty for the ideals espoused by the Party which I have the honour to lead.
3. There are many grounds which could be submitted for your consideration in support of this petition. But I venture to think that SEVEN of them are enough and it is to these that I confine myself.
(1) In the course of my evidence during my trial, I stated that my Party favoured and was actively working for alliance with the N.C.N.C. as a means, among other things, of solving what I described as ‘the problem of Nigeria’, and strengthening the unity of the Federation. In October 1963 (that is about a month after my conviction and while my appeal to the Supreme Court was still pending), a Peace Committee headed by the Chief Justice of the Federation, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola, made overtures to me through my friend Alhaji W. A. Elias to the effect that if I abandoned my intention to enter into alliance with the N.C.N.C. which, according to the Committee, was an Ibo Organisation, and agreed to dissolve the Action Group and, in co-operation with Chief Akintola (now deceased), form an all-embracing Yoruba political party which I would lead and which would go into alliance with the N.P.C., I would be released from prison before the end of that year. I turned down these terms because I was of the considered opinion that their acceptance would further widen and exacerbate inter-tribal differences, and gravely undermine the unity of the Federation.
TODAY, THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT, OF WHICH YOU ARE THE HEAD, LEAVES NO ONE IN ANY DOUBT THAT IT STANDS FOR NIGERIAN UNITY. BUT IT MUST BE EMPHASISED, IN THIS CONNECTION, THAT IF I HAD PRIZED MY PERSONAL FREEDOM ABOVE THE UNITY OF NIGERIA, I WOULD HAVE BEEN SET FREE IN 1963. IN THAT EVENT, THIS PETITION WOULD NOT HAVE BEEN NECESSARY, AND THE WORK OF CONSOLIDATING THE UNITY OF THE COUNTRY TO WHICH YOU AND YOUR COLLEAGUES NOW SET YOUR HANDS MIGHT HAVE BEEN MADE EXTREMELY MORE INTRACTABLE AND IRKSOME.
As recently as 20th December, 1965, identical peace terms (the only variant being that the alliance with the N.C.N.C. which was now a reality should be broken) were made to me here, in Calabar Prison, by a delegation representing another Peace Committee headed by the self-same Chief Justice of the Federation and purporting to have the blessing of the Prime Minister, with the unequivocal promise that if I accepted the terms my release would follow almost immediately. I rejected the terms for the reasons which I have outlined above.
(2) One of the monsters which menaced the public life of this country up to 14th January, this year is OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils of jobbery, venality, corruption, and unabashed self-interest. From all accounts, you are inflexibly resolved to destroy this monster. That was precisely what my colleagues and I had tried to do before we were rendered hors de combat since 29th May, 1962.
On two different occasions I was offered, first the post of Deputy Prime Minister (before May 1962), and second that of Deputy Governor-General (in August 1962), if I would agree to fold up the Opposition and join in a National Government. I declined the two offers because they were designed exclusively to gratify my self-interest, with no thought of fostering any political moral principle which could benefit the people of Nigeria. The learned Judge who presided over the Treasonable Felony Trial, commented unfavourably on my non-acceptance of one of these posts and held that my action lent weight to the case of the Prosecution against me. I must say, however, that in all conscience, I felt and still feel that a truly public-spirited person should accept public office not for what he can get for himself — such as the profit and glamour of office — but for the opportunity which it offers him of serving his people to the best of his ability, by promoting their welfare and happiness. To me, the two aforementioned posts were sinecures, and were intended to immobilise my talents and stultify the role of watch-dog which the people of Nigeria looked upon me to play on their behalf, at that juncture in our political evolution.
(3) This leads me to the third ground. From newspaper reports, it would appear that you and your colleagues — like all well-meaning Nigerians — are anxious that on the termination of the present military rule, Nigeria should become a flourishing democracy. Now, democracy is a political doctrine which is very intimately dear to my heart. It was to the end that it might be accepted as a way of life in all parts of the Federation that I campaigned most vigorously and relentlessly in the Northern Provinces of Nigeria, from 1957 to 1962, to the implacable annoyance of some of my political adversaries. It was to the end that this doctrine might survive the severe onslaught of opportunist and mercenary politics that I refused to succumb to the temptation of the National Government. Many views — some of them well-considered and respectable — have been expressed about the value or disvalue of opposition as a feature of public life in a newly emergent African State. Speaking for my party, I submit that the Opposition which I led did, to all intents and purposes, justify its existence and was acclaimed by the masses of our people as essential and indispensable to rapid- national growth. This was so, because it was unexceptionably constructive. The abrogation of the Anglo-Nigeria Defence Pact was one of the feathers in its cap. Some of the policies which the Government of the day later adopted — such as the creation of a Federal Ministry of Agriculture and the introduction of drastic measures to correct our balance of payments deficit — were among those persistently and constructively urged by the Opposition inside and outside Parliament.
The point I wish to emphasise here is that it was not out of spite or hatred for any one that I chose to remain in Opposition instead of joining the much-talked-of National Government. I did so in order to serve our people to the best of my ability in the position in which their votes had placed my Party, and to ensure that the young plant of democracy grows into a sturdy flourishing tree in Nigeria.
(4) Since the declaration of emergency in the Western Region on 29th May, 1962, political tension has existed in Western Nigeria. My conviction on 11th September, 1963, together with the surrounding bizarre circumstances, has led not only to the heightening of that tension in Western Nigeria but also to its profuse and irrepressible percolation to the other parts of the Federation. The result is that it can be said, without much fear of contradiction, that today the majority of our people are passionately concerned about and fervently solicitous for the release of myself and my colleagues.
The work of reconstruction on which you and your colleagues have embarked demands that all the citizens of Nigeria in their respective callings should give of their maximum best. A state of psychological tension, however much it may be brought under control or repressed, does not and cannot conduce to maximum efficiency. In spite of themselves, people labouring under emotions which this kind of tension automatically generates are bound to make avoidable mistakes which in their turn have adverse effects on national progress.
It is, therefore, in the national interest that this tension should be relaxed, if possible, without further delay.
(5) A petition of this kind is, by its very nature, bound to be replete with self-adulation. I hope and trust that, in the circumstances, this is excusable. It is in this hope and trust that I assert that my colleagues and I have the qualifications and capacity to render invaluable services to our people and fatherland. Every day that we spend in prison, therefore, must be regarded as TWENTY-FOUR UNFORGIVING HOURS OF TRULY VALUABLE SERVICES LOST TO OUR YOUNG COUNTRY. Even my most inveterate enemies have given the following testimony about me: ‘AWOLOWO HAS STILL A GREAT DEAL TO GIVE TO THIS COUNTRY.’
No country however advanced and civilised can afford to waste any of its talents, be they ever so small. Nigeria is too young to bury some of her talents as she was compelled to do under the old regime.
It is within your power to restore my colleagues and me to a position where our fatherland can again rejoice at the contributions which we are capable of making to its progress, welfare and happiness.
(6) Nigeria is now SIXTY-SIX MONTHS old as an independent State. The final phase in the struggle for Nigeria’s independence was initiated by my Party in the historic Self-Government motion moved by Chief Anthony Enahoro and supported by me on 31st March, 1953. IT SHOULD BE REGARDED AS MORE THAN IRONICAL, AND AS PALPABLY TRAGIC, THAT TWO OF THE ARCHITECTS OF THAT INDEPENDENCE AND, INDEED, THE PACE-SETTERS AND ACCELERATORS OF ITS FINAL PHASE SHOULD BE UNFREE IN A FREE NIGERIA.
In precise terms, I have spent FORTY-SIX out of the SIXTY-SIX MONTHS of independence in one form of confinement or another. I happened to know that the leaders of the old civilian regime, in spite of themselves, did not feel quite easy in their conscience about the plight into which they had manoeuvred me in the scheme of things; and I dare to express the hope and belief that you, personally view my present confinement with concern and disapproval.
(7) It is usual — almost invariably the case — on the accession of a revolutionary regime, for political prisoners and, indeed, other prisoners of some note, to be released as a mark of disapproval of some of the doings of the old regime, or in token of the new dawn of freedom which comes in the wake of the new regime.
It would be invidious to quote unspecific instances. But in the case of my colleagues and myself, by courageously and adamantly opposing the evils which your regime now denounces in the former civilian administration, I think we are perfectly justified if we expect you to regard us as being in tune with your yearnings and aspirations
for Nigeria, and therefore entitled to our personal freedoms under your dispensation.
4. In view of the foregoing reasons which clearly demonstrate
(i) that I have always and, under trying circumstances, steadfastly and unyieldingly
(a) stood for the UNITY OF NIGERIA,
(b) been opposed to POLITICAL OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils,
© fostered the growth of DEMOCRACY in Nigeria;
(ii) that my incarceration
(a) has led to the heightening of political tension among Nigerians, which tension can only be relaxed by my release,
(b) has deprived our fatherland of invaluable services such as we have rendered before, and can still render now and in future, in greater measure; and
(iii) that the evils which my colleagues and I condemned and valiantly refused to compromise with in the old civilian government are what you now quite rightly denounce, and are taking active steps to remove in order to pave the way for national and beneficial reconstruction,
I most sincerely appeal to you to be good enough to exercise, in favour of myself and my colleagues, the prerogative of mercy vested in you by Section 10 (I) (i) (a) of the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963, by granting me as well as each of my colleagues A FREE PARDON. If you do, your action will be most warmly, heartily, and popularly applauded at home and abroad, and you will go down to history as soldier, statesmen, and humanitarian.
Yours truly,
OBAFEMI AWOLOWO
______
ANNEXE
A. THOSE CONVICTED FOR TREASONABLE FELONY
1. THOSE STILL SERVING THEIR TERMS
1. Chief Obafemi Awolowo
2. Chief Anthony Enahoro
3. Mr. Lateef K. Jakande
4. Mr. Dapo Omisade
5. Mr. S.A. Onitiri
6. Mr. Gabby Sasore
7. Mr. Sunday Ebietoma
8. Mr. U.I. Nwaobiala
2. THOSE WHO HAVE ALREADY SERVED THEIR TERMS
1. Mr. S.A. Otubanjo
2. Mr. S.J. Umoren
3. Mr. S. Oyesile
B. THOSE WHO HAVE NOT YET BEEN TRIED
1. Mr. S.G. Ikoku
2. Mr. Ayo Adebanjo
3. Mr. James Aluko
_______
The Supreme Military Council considered my petition, but could not immediately grant my request. According to information which was later confirmed, it was feared that my release might create problems with which they might find it difficult to cope before they had properly settled down in office.
However, on 27 July 1966 Mr. Olu Olofin, then Editor of Irohin Yoruba arrived in Calabar to deliver a special message from Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, the then Military Governor of the Western Region and a member of the Supreme Military Council. Olofin brought the good tiding that the Supreme Military Council had granted my petition, and that I would be released any time from then.
On August 3, 1966, Lt. Col Yakubu Gowon, emerging as the new Head of the Federal Military Government and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, ordered the release from the Nigerian prisons of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, in particular, and others convicted of treasonable felony, in general. Among the others were Chief Anthony Enahoro. No Military Governor of any region in which these people were serving their imprisonment failed to obey Gowon's release order. In the particular case of Chief Awolowo who was serving his term in Calabar, Eastern Region, the Military Governor of the region, Lt.Col Charles Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, arranged a reception for Awolowo in the Government House at Enugu before his flying out to Ikeja on August 4, 1966. Upon his arrival at Ikeja, Awolowo was driven to his home town Ikenne, for a thanksgiving service.
Adeniran Adeboye
Eyewitness in Lagos
Awolowo Writes To Ironsi From Prison Pressing for His Release
(Date of Letter: 28th March, 1966)
In Posthumous Commemoration of Awo's 96th Birthday
(Date of Birth: March 6, 1909)
_____
Taken from "Adventures in Power Book One: My March Through Prison", by Obafemi Awolowo, McMillan NIgeria, pp 296-302, 1985.
CONFIDENTIAL
28th March, 1966
The Supreme Commander and
Head of the Federal Military
Government, Lagos.
Thro: The Director of Prisons,
Prisons Headquarters Office,
Private Mail Bag 12522,
Lagos.
Sir:
PREROGATIVE OF MERCY: SECTION 101 (1) (a) OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERATION ACT 1963
1. . I am writing this petition for FREE PARDON under Section 101 (1) (a) of the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963, on behalf of myself and some of my colleagues whose names are set out in the Annexe hereto.
2. Before I go further, I would like to stress that the reasons which I advance in support of this petition, in my own behalf, basically hold good for my said colleagues. For they share the same political beliefs with me, and have intense and unquenchable loyalty for the ideals espoused by the Party which I have the honour to lead.
3. There are many grounds which could be submitted for your consideration in support of this petition. But I venture to think that SEVEN of them are enough and it is to these that I confine myself.
(1) In the course of my evidence during my trial, I stated that my Party favoured and was actively working for alliance with the N.C.N.C. as a means, among other things, of solving what I described as ‘the problem of Nigeria’, and strengthening the unity of the Federation. In October 1963 (that is about a month after my conviction and while my appeal to the Supreme Court was still pending), a Peace Committee headed by the Chief Justice of the Federation, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola, made overtures to me through my friend Alhaji W. A. Elias to the effect that if I abandoned my intention to enter into alliance with the N.C.N.C. which, according to the Committee, was an Ibo Organisation, and agreed to dissolve the Action Group and, in co-operation with Chief Akintola (now deceased), form an all-embracing Yoruba political party which I would lead and which would go into alliance with the N.P.C., I would be released from prison before the end of that year. I turned down these terms because I was of the considered opinion that their acceptance would further widen and exacerbate inter-tribal differences, and gravely undermine the unity of the Federation.
TODAY, THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT, OF WHICH YOU ARE THE HEAD, LEAVES NO ONE IN ANY DOUBT THAT IT STANDS FOR NIGERIAN UNITY. BUT IT MUST BE EMPHASISED, IN THIS CONNECTION, THAT IF I HAD PRIZED MY PERSONAL FREEDOM ABOVE THE UNITY OF NIGERIA, I WOULD HAVE BEEN SET FREE IN 1963. IN THAT EVENT, THIS PETITION WOULD NOT HAVE BEEN NECESSARY, AND THE WORK OF CONSOLIDATING THE UNITY OF THE COUNTRY TO WHICH YOU AND YOUR COLLEAGUES NOW SET YOUR HANDS MIGHT HAVE BEEN MADE EXTREMELY MORE INTRACTABLE AND IRKSOME.
As recently as 20th December, 1965, identical peace terms (the only variant being that the alliance with the N.C.N.C. which was now a reality should be broken) were made to me here, in Calabar Prison, by a delegation representing another Peace Committee headed by the self-same Chief Justice of the Federation and purporting to have the blessing of the Prime Minister, with the unequivocal promise that if I accepted the terms my release would follow almost immediately. I rejected the terms for the reasons which I have outlined above.
(2) One of the monsters which menaced the public life of this country up to 14th January, this year is OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils of jobbery, venality, corruption, and unabashed self-interest. From all accounts, you are inflexibly resolved to destroy this monster. That was precisely what my colleagues and I had tried to do before we were rendered hors de combat since 29th May, 1962.
On two different occasions I was offered, first the post of Deputy Prime Minister (before May 1962), and second that of Deputy Governor-General (in August 1962), if I would agree to fold up the Opposition and join in a National Government. I declined the two offers because they were designed exclusively to gratify my self-interest, with no thought of fostering any political moral principle which could benefit the people of Nigeria. The learned Judge who presided over the Treasonable Felony Trial, commented unfavourably on my non-acceptance of one of these posts and held that my action lent weight to the case of the Prosecution against me. I must say, however, that in all conscience, I felt and still feel that a truly public-spirited person should accept public office not for what he can get for himself — such as the profit and glamour of office — but for the opportunity which it offers him of serving his people to the best of his ability, by promoting their welfare and happiness. To me, the two aforementioned posts were sinecures, and were intended to immobilise my talents and stultify the role of watch-dog which the people of Nigeria looked upon me to play on their behalf, at that juncture in our political evolution.
(3) This leads me to the third ground. From newspaper reports, it would appear that you and your colleagues — like all well-meaning Nigerians — are anxious that on the termination of the present military rule, Nigeria should become a flourishing democracy. Now, democracy is a political doctrine which is very intimately dear to my heart. It was to the end that it might be accepted as a way of life in all parts of the Federation that I campaigned most vigorously and relentlessly in the Northern Provinces of Nigeria, from 1957 to 1962, to the implacable annoyance of some of my political adversaries. It was to the end that this doctrine might survive the severe onslaught of opportunist and mercenary politics that I refused to succumb to the temptation of the National Government. Many views — some of them well-considered and respectable — have been expressed about the value or disvalue of opposition as a feature of public life in a newly emergent African State. Speaking for my party, I submit that the Opposition which I led did, to all intents and purposes, justify its existence and was acclaimed by the masses of our people as essential and indispensable to rapid- national growth. This was so, because it was unexceptionably constructive. The abrogation of the Anglo-Nigeria Defence Pact was one of the feathers in its cap. Some of the policies which the Government of the day later adopted — such as the creation of a Federal Ministry of Agriculture and the introduction of drastic measures to correct our balance of payments deficit — were among those persistently and constructively urged by the Opposition inside and outside Parliament.
The point I wish to emphasise here is that it was not out of spite or hatred for any one that I chose to remain in Opposition instead of joining the much-talked-of National Government. I did so in order to serve our people to the best of my ability in the position in which their votes had placed my Party, and to ensure that the young plant of democracy grows into a sturdy flourishing tree in Nigeria.
(4) Since the declaration of emergency in the Western Region on 29th May, 1962, political tension has existed in Western Nigeria. My conviction on 11th September, 1963, together with the surrounding bizarre circumstances, has led not only to the heightening of that tension in Western Nigeria but also to its profuse and irrepressible percolation to the other parts of the Federation. The result is that it can be said, without much fear of contradiction, that today the majority of our people are passionately concerned about and fervently solicitous for the release of myself and my colleagues.
The work of reconstruction on which you and your colleagues have embarked demands that all the citizens of Nigeria in their respective callings should give of their maximum best. A state of psychological tension, however much it may be brought under control or repressed, does not and cannot conduce to maximum efficiency. In spite of themselves, people labouring under emotions which this kind of tension automatically generates are bound to make avoidable mistakes which in their turn have adverse effects on national progress.
It is, therefore, in the national interest that this tension should be relaxed, if possible, without further delay.
(5) A petition of this kind is, by its very nature, bound to be replete with self-adulation. I hope and trust that, in the circumstances, this is excusable. It is in this hope and trust that I assert that my colleagues and I have the qualifications and capacity to render invaluable services to our people and fatherland. Every day that we spend in prison, therefore, must be regarded as TWENTY-FOUR UNFORGIVING HOURS OF TRULY VALUABLE SERVICES LOST TO OUR YOUNG COUNTRY. Even my most inveterate enemies have given the following testimony about me: ‘AWOLOWO HAS STILL A GREAT DEAL TO GIVE TO THIS COUNTRY.’
No country however advanced and civilised can afford to waste any of its talents, be they ever so small. Nigeria is too young to bury some of her talents as she was compelled to do under the old regime.
It is within your power to restore my colleagues and me to a position where our fatherland can again rejoice at the contributions which we are capable of making to its progress, welfare and happiness.
(6) Nigeria is now SIXTY-SIX MONTHS old as an independent State. The final phase in the struggle for Nigeria’s independence was initiated by my Party in the historic Self-Government motion moved by Chief Anthony Enahoro and supported by me on 31st March, 1953. IT SHOULD BE REGARDED AS MORE THAN IRONICAL, AND AS PALPABLY TRAGIC, THAT TWO OF THE ARCHITECTS OF THAT INDEPENDENCE AND, INDEED, THE PACE-SETTERS AND ACCELERATORS OF ITS FINAL PHASE SHOULD BE UNFREE IN A FREE NIGERIA.
In precise terms, I have spent FORTY-SIX out of the SIXTY-SIX MONTHS of independence in one form of confinement or another. I happened to know that the leaders of the old civilian regime, in spite of themselves, did not feel quite easy in their conscience about the plight into which they had manoeuvred me in the scheme of things; and I dare to express the hope and belief that you, personally view my present confinement with concern and disapproval.
(7) It is usual — almost invariably the case — on the accession of a revolutionary regime, for political prisoners and, indeed, other prisoners of some note, to be released as a mark of disapproval of some of the doings of the old regime, or in token of the new dawn of freedom which comes in the wake of the new regime.
It would be invidious to quote unspecific instances. But in the case of my colleagues and myself, by courageously and adamantly opposing the evils which your regime now denounces in the former civilian administration, I think we are perfectly justified if we expect you to regard us as being in tune with your yearnings and aspirations
for Nigeria, and therefore entitled to our personal freedoms under your dispensation.
4. In view of the foregoing reasons which clearly demonstrate
(i) that I have always and, under trying circumstances, steadfastly and unyieldingly
(a) stood for the UNITY OF NIGERIA,
(b) been opposed to POLITICAL OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils,
© fostered the growth of DEMOCRACY in Nigeria;
(ii) that my incarceration
(a) has led to the heightening of political tension among Nigerians, which tension can only be relaxed by my release,
(b) has deprived our fatherland of invaluable services such as we have rendered before, and can still render now and in future, in greater measure; and
(iii) that the evils which my colleagues and I condemned and valiantly refused to compromise with in the old civilian government are what you now quite rightly denounce, and are taking active steps to remove in order to pave the way for national and beneficial reconstruction,
I most sincerely appeal to you to be good enough to exercise, in favour of myself and my colleagues, the prerogative of mercy vested in you by Section 10 (I) (i) (a) of the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963, by granting me as well as each of my colleagues A FREE PARDON. If you do, your action will be most warmly, heartily, and popularly applauded at home and abroad, and you will go down to history as soldier, statesmen, and humanitarian.
Yours truly,
OBAFEMI AWOLOWO
______
ANNEXE
A. THOSE CONVICTED FOR TREASONABLE FELONY
1. THOSE STILL SERVING THEIR TERMS
1. Chief Obafemi Awolowo
2. Chief Anthony Enahoro
3. Mr. Lateef K. Jakande
4. Mr. Dapo Omisade
5. Mr. S.A. Onitiri
6. Mr. Gabby Sasore
7. Mr. Sunday Ebietoma
8. Mr. U.I. Nwaobiala
2. THOSE WHO HAVE ALREADY SERVED THEIR TERMS
1. Mr. S.A. Otubanjo
2. Mr. S.J. Umoren
3. Mr. S. Oyesile
B. THOSE WHO HAVE NOT YET BEEN TRIED
1. Mr. S.G. Ikoku
2. Mr. Ayo Adebanjo
3. Mr. James Aluko
_______
The Supreme Military Council considered my petition, but could not immediately grant my request. According to information which was later confirmed, it was feared that my release might create problems with which they might find it difficult to cope before they had properly settled down in office.
However, on 27 July 1966 Mr. Olu Olofin, then Editor of Irohin Yoruba arrived in Calabar to deliver a special message from Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, the then Military Governor of the Western Region and a member of the Supreme Military Council. Olofin brought the good tiding that the Supreme Military Council had granted my petition, and that I would be released any time from then.
On August 3, 1966, Lt. Col Yakubu Gowon, emerging as the new Head of the Federal Military Government and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, ordered the release from the Nigerian prisons of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, in particular, and others convicted of treasonable felony, in general. Among the others were Chief Anthony Enahoro. No Military Governor of any region in which these people were serving their imprisonment failed to obey Gowon's release order. In the particular case of Chief Awolowo who was serving his term in Calabar, Eastern Region, the Military Governor of the region, Lt.Col Charles Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, arranged a reception for Awolowo in the Government House at Enugu before his flying out to Ikeja on August 4, 1966. Upon his arrival at Ikeja, Awolowo was driven to his home town Ikenne, for a thanksgiving service.
Adeniran Adeboye
Eyewitness in Lagos
AWOLOWO MAPO HALL SPEECH IN 1967...........Can he be right?
It would be perfectly in order to create a Calabar state or a Rivers state by decree, and without a plebiscite.Awo
"""...... We have been told that an act of secession on the part of the East would be a signal, in the first instance, for the creation of the COR state by decree, which would be backed, if need be, by the use of force.
With great respect, I have some dissenting observations to make on this declaration. There are 11 national or linguistic groups in the COR areas with a total population of 5.3 millions. These national groups are as distinct from one another as the Ibos are distinct from them or from the Yorubas or Hausas.
Of the 11, the Efik/Ibibio/Annang national group are 3.2 million strong as against the Ijaws who are only about 700,000 strong.
Ostensibly, the remaining nine national group number 1.4 millions.
But when you have subtracted the Ibo inhabitants from among them, what is left ranges from the Ngennis who number only 8,000 to
the Ogonis who are 220,000 strong.
A decree creating a COR state without a plebiscite toascertain the wishes of the peoples in the area, would only amount to subordinating the minority national groups in the state to the dominance of the Efik/Ibibio/Annang national group. It would be perfectly in order to create a Calabar state or a Rivers state by decree, and without a plebiscite.
Each is a homogeneous national unit. But before you lump distinct and diverse national units together in one state, the consent of
each of them is indispensable. Otherwise, the seed of social disquilibrium in the new state would have been sown..............""" truncated
Awolowo..ApoHall Speech May 1 1967
"""...... We have been told that an act of secession on the part of the East would be a signal, in the first instance, for the creation of the COR state by decree, which would be backed, if need be, by the use of force.
With great respect, I have some dissenting observations to make on this declaration. There are 11 national or linguistic groups in the COR areas with a total population of 5.3 millions. These national groups are as distinct from one another as the Ibos are distinct from them or from the Yorubas or Hausas.
Of the 11, the Efik/Ibibio/Annang national group are 3.2 million strong as against the Ijaws who are only about 700,000 strong.
Ostensibly, the remaining nine national group number 1.4 millions.
But when you have subtracted the Ibo inhabitants from among them, what is left ranges from the Ngennis who number only 8,000 to
the Ogonis who are 220,000 strong.
A decree creating a COR state without a plebiscite toascertain the wishes of the peoples in the area, would only amount to subordinating the minority national groups in the state to the dominance of the Efik/Ibibio/Annang national group. It would be perfectly in order to create a Calabar state or a Rivers state by decree, and without a plebiscite.
Each is a homogeneous national unit. But before you lump distinct and diverse national units together in one state, the consent of
each of them is indispensable. Otherwise, the seed of social disquilibrium in the new state would have been sown..............""" truncated
Awolowo..ApoHall Speech May 1 1967
BIAFRA:”Awolowo’s Arrogance Came Through In All Its Glory. I Did This, I Did That….And No Where Did He Address His Release From Calabar”–
Johnnie Agim
According to Johnnie Agim: “Okparadike’s pandering to Chief Awolowo with those soft ball questions is symptomatic of what ails the Igbos. Awolowo’s arrogance came through in all its glory. I did this, I did that….and no where did he address his release from Calabar.
Awolowo superviced genocide in Biafraland even though Ojukwu got him out of jail in a DEAL which Awo later reneged; Kwasharkor took a deep toll on igbo children, over 3.5Million Biafran were killed in that criminal genocidal war imposed on BIAFRANS by Nigeria genocidal government led by dubious Gowon.
The Man was really full of himself, and to be frank with you, to the extent that Ojukwu made a mistake, that he did not allow his ass rot in prison…”.
Zik stopped Awolowo being sent to Kaduna Prison where Ahmadu Bello could had made him sweep Kaduna Market from time to time to disgrace his followers.
The then Military Governor of Eastern Nigeria was busy handling the genocide Gowon and the British organized.
The thank you the people of the East got from Chukwuma Nzeogwu and fellow brave Nigerian soldiers stopping the stupid destruction of lives in Western Nigeria was Western Nigeria joining in the genocide of Easterners because Chukwuma was an Iboman that was a very big thank you.
Awolowo thought his followers to be hardcore haters of anything not from western Nigeria and hardcore followers are still filled with that hate till now as I am typing this posting.
Read full text interview of late Chief Obafemi Awolowo in Abeokuta during 1983 elections beneath:
During the 1983 elections, Chief Obafemi Awolowo was hosted to a town hall interview in Abeokuta, where in addition to other pertinent topics of the day, he spoke on his role in the civil war, the 20-pound policy, starvation as a weapon, change of currency, abandoned property etc.
Excerpt: ((Moderator: Mr. Oparadike).
CIVIL WAR
Question: Chief Awolowo, your stand on the civil war, however unpopular it may have been to the Biafran people or Ibo people, helped to shorten the war. Today, you’re being cast as the sole enemy of the Ibo people because of that stand, by among others, some of the people who as members of the federal military government at that time, were party to that decision and are today, in some cases, inheritors of power in one Nigeria which that decision of yours helped to save. How do you feel being cast in this role, and what steps are you taking to endear yourself once again to that large chunk of Nigerians who feels embittered.
Awo: As far as I know, the Ibo masses are friendly to me, towards me. In fact, whenever I visit Iboland, either Anambra or Imo, and there’s no campaigning for elections on, the Ibo people receive me warmly and affectionately. But there are some elements in Iboland who believe that they can maintain their popularity only by denigrating me, and so they keep on telling lies against me. Ojukwu is one of them. I don’t want to mention the names of the others because they are still redeemable, but Ojukwu is irredeemable so I mention his name, and my attitude to these lies is one of indifference, I must confess to you.I’ve learnt to rely completely on the providence and vindication of Almighty God in some of these things. I’ve tried to explain myself in the past, but these liars persist. Ojukwu had only recently told the same lie against me. What’s the point in correcting lies when people are determined to persist in telling lies against you, what’s the point. I know that someday the Ibos, the masses of the Ibo people will realize who their friends are, and who their real enemies are. And the day that happens woe betide those enemies. The Ibos will deal with them very roughly, very roughly.
That has happened in my life. I have a nickname now, if you see my letterhead you’ll find something on top, you’ll find a fish done on the letterhead. Some people put Lion on theirs, some people put Tiger, but mine is Fish. And Fish represents my zodiac sign, those of you who read the stars and so on in the newspapers; you’ll find out that there’s a zodiac sign known as pieces, in Latin pieces mean Fish.
So I put pieces on top, that’s my zodiac sign being born on the 6th of March,….er well, the year doesn’t matter, it’s the day that matter. And then on top of it I write Eebudola. All of you know the meaning of that. You know I don’t want to tell a long story but Awolowo school, omo Awolowo, the…… started in Urobo land, in mid-west in those days. They were ridiculing my schools, I was building schools –brick and cement, to dpc level, block to dpc level and mud thereafter. And so the big shots in the place..”ah what kind of school is this? is this Awolowo school? Useless school” and when they saw the children..”ah this Awolowo children, they can’t read and write, Awolowo children” that’s how it started, with ridicule, and it became blessing, and now they say “Awolowo children, they are good people” no more ridicule about it, that’s how it started, so the Eebu becomes honor, the abuse became honor.
And so when I look back to all my life, treasonable felony, jail, all the abuses that were heaped on me, to Coker Inquiry, all sorts, and I see what has happened to the people who led, who led all these denigration campaign, where are they today? Those that are alive are what I call Homo Mortuus- dead living, oku eniyan, that’s what they are, those that their lives have gone.
So when I look back, I come to the conclusion that all these abuses which have been heaped on me all my life for doing nothing, for doing good, they have become honor, and so Eebudola is one of my nicknames. So I’ve cultivated an attitude of indifference, I’ve done no evil to the Ibos.
During the war I saw to it that the revenue which was due to the Iboland- South Eastern states they call it, at that time..east central state, I kept it, I saved the money for them. And when they ….was librated I handed over the money to them- millions. If I’d decided to do so, I could have kept the money away from them and then when they took over I saw to it that subvention was given to them at the rate of 990,000 pounds every month. I didn’t go to the executive council to ask for support, or for approval because I knew if I went to the executive council at that time the subvention would not be approved because there were more enemies in the executive council for the Ibos than friends. And since I wasn’t going to take a percentage from what I was going to give them, and I knew I was doing what was right, I wanted the state to survive, I kept on giving the subvention – 990,000 almost a million, every month, and I did that for other states of course- South eastern state, North central state, Kwara and so on.
But I did that for the Ibos, and when the war was over, I saw to it that the ACB got three and a half million pounds to start with. This was distributed immediately and I gave another sum of money. The attitude of the experts, officials at the time of the ACB was that ACB should be closed down, and I held the view you couldn’t close the ACB down because that is the bank that gives finance to the Ibo traders, and if you close it down they’ll find it difficult to revive or to survive. So it was given. I did the same thing for the Cooperative Bank of Eastern Nigeria, to rehabilitate all these places, and I saw to it as commissioner for finance that no obstacle was placed in the way of the ministry of economic planning in planning for rehabilitation of the war affected areas.
TWENTY POUNDS POLICY
That’s what I did, and the case of the money they said was not given back to them, you know during the war all the pounds were looted, they printed Biafran currency notes, which they circulated, at the close of the war some people wanted their Biafran notes to be exchanged for them. Of course I couldn’t do that, if I did that the whole country would be bankrupt. We didn’t know about Biafran notes and we didn’t know on what basis they have printed them, so we refused the Biafran note, but I laid down the principle that all those who had savings in the banks on the eve of the declaration of the Biafran war or Biafra, will get their money back if they could satisfy us that they had the savings there, or the money there. Unfortunately, all the banks’s books had been burnt, and many of the people who had savings there didn’t have their saving books or their last statement of account, so a panel had to be set up.
I didn’t take part in setting up the panel, it was done by the Central bank and the pertinent officials of the ministry of finance, to look into the matter, and they went carefully into the matter, they took some months to do so, and then make some recommendation which I approved. Go to the archives, all I did was approve, I didn’t write anything more than that, I don’t even remember the name of any of them who took part. So I did everything in this world to assist our Ibo brothers and sisters during and after the war.
And anyone who goes back to look at my broadcast in August 1967, which dealt with post-war reconstruction would see what I said there.
STARVATION POLICY
Then, but above all, the ending of the war itself that I’m accused of, accused of starving the Ibos, I did nothing of the sort. You know, shortly after the liberation of these places, Calabar, Enugu and Port Harcort, I decided to pay a visit. There are certain things which I knew which you don’t know, which I don’t want to say here now, when I write my reminisces in the future I will do so. Some of the soldiers were not truthful with us, they didn’t tell us correct stories and so on.
I wanted to be there and see things for myself, bear in mind that Gowon himself did not go there at that time, it was after the war was over that he dorn himself up in various military dresses- Air force dress, Army dress and so on, and went to the war torn areas. But I went and some people tried to frighten me out of my goal by saying that Adekunle was my enemy and he was going to see to it that I never return from the place, so I went.
But when I went what did I see? I saw the kwashiorkor victims. If you see a kwashiorkor victim you’ll never like war to be waged. Terrible sight, in Enugu, in Port Harcourt, not many in Calabar, but mainly in Enugu and Port Harcourt. Then I enquired what happened to the food we are sending to the civilians. We were sending food through the Red cross, and CARITAS to them, but what happen was that the vehicles carrying the food were always ambushed by the soldiers. That’s what I discovered, and the food would then be taken to the soldiers to feed them, and so they were able to continue to fight. And I said that was a very dangerous policy, we didn’t intend the food for soldiers. But who will go behind the line to stop the soldiers from ambushing the vehicles that were carrying the food? And as long as soldiers were fed, the war will continue, and who’ll continue to suffer? and those who didn’t go to the place to see things as I did, you remember that all the big guns, all the soldiers in the Biafran army looked all well fed after the war, its only the mass of the people that suffered kwashiorkor.
You wont hear of a single lawyer, a single doctor, a single architect, who suffered from kwashiorkor? None of their children either, so they waylaid the foods, they ambush the vehicles and took the foods to their friends and to their collaborators and to their children and the masses were suffering. So I decided to stop sending the food there. In the process the civilians would suffer, but the soldiers will suffer most.
CHANGE OF CURRENCY
And it is on record that Ojukwu admitted that two things defeated him in this war, that’s as at the day he left Biafra. He said one, the change of currency, he said that was the first thing that defeated him, and we did that to prevent Ojukwu taking the money which his soldiers has stolen from our Central bank for sale abroad to buy arms. We discovered he looted our Central bank in Benin, he looted the one in Port Harcourt, looted the one in Calabar and he was taking the currency notes abroad to sell to earn foreign exchange to buy arms.
So I decided to change the currency, and for your benefit, it can now be told the whole world, only Gowon knew the day before, the day before the change took place. I decided, only three of us knew before then- Isong now governor of Cross River, Attah and myself. It was a closely guarded secret, if any commissioner at the time say that he knew about it, he’s only boosting his own ego. Because once you tell someone, he’ll tell another person. So we refused to tell them and we changed the currency notes. So Ojukwu said the change in currency defeated him, and starvation of his soldiers also defeated him.
These were the two things that defeated Ojukwu. And, he reminds me, when you saw Ojukwu’s picture after the war, did he look like someone who’s not well fed? But he has been taking the food which we send to civilians, and so we stopped the food
ABANDONED PROPERTY
And then finally, I saw to it that the houses owned by the Ibos in Lagos and on this side, were kept for them. I had an estate agent friend who told me that one of them collected half a million pounds rent which has been kept for him. All his rent were collected, but since we didn’t seize their houses, he came back and collected half a million pounds.
So that is the position. I’m a friend of the Ibos and the mass of the Ibos are my friends, but there are certain elements who want to continue to deceive the Ibos by telling lies against me, and one day, they’ll discover and then that day will be terrible for those who have been telling the lies.
Moderator: After the question, this particular question from the interview panel we’ll move to the floor, and later we’ll go back to the interview panel for the final two questions. But before we move to the floor I call on Mr. Sonala Olumhense to ask the question
CORRUPTION
Question (Sonala Olumhense): Chief Awolowo, I think it is fairly clear that the two major problems responsible for the failing of government in this country are inability or incompetence of officials to manage the economy and corruption. You have been reported on the campaign ground to have said that when you come to power on October, that you will not probe anybody. I haven’t heard or read of any denial of that statement. If it is actually true that you did make that statement, how is it that you plan to deal with the problem of corruption in this country? Or don’t you have any such plans?
Awolowo: The statement referred to is not new, I first made a statement like that, I believe, in 1969 during my convocation address at Ife University. I then demanded to know why the probe was confined to only the western region and parts of the eastern region. The other part of the country, there was no probe in the other part of the country. And then, they were probing civilians, but then soldiers have boldly begun to enter, to enter the area of those who should be probed. And I said, well, some trees have fallen on other trees, and they should start with ones on the top. Which means to probe soldiers, and who will dare to probe soldiers at that time? So I said they should call off the whole business.
And then a decision was taken that those who had stolen money and had died should not be probed, so it is easy for someone who wants to enrich his children to steal as much as possible, then commit suicide so that his children can live in affluence forever. It’s a far fetch illustration, but it can happen. So I said the best thing is to call off the probe. And how much have we earned in the process? How much have we got back? You remember that all the thing that Adebayo got in his own time he returned them on the eve of the 10th anniversary of independent. So there’s no point in continuing the probe, I said it at the time, and I repeated it at Ahmadu Bello University when I was delivering my second convo… address there.
So it’s nothing new, but people don’t border to read some of the things I say, but they go on criticizing me for saying this things. Anyway, I don’t want the UPN to embark on probes, first of all I believe that those who have deliberately stolen public money…we keep on saying government’s money, it’s our money, it’s your money, it’s my money. Those who have deliberately done that would dislodge them sooner or later, that’s the law of nature, it has to happen.
In the bible we are told God says “Vengeance is mine, and I will revenge” and I believe it. Then secondly, when you start probing, where do you begin now? The corruption has gone to a very high scale since the Army took over. They were to be corrective, then they became corruptive, and so on, where do you begin? And with whom? And with which part of the country? Throughout the country? You’ll need a large staff of people to do the probe, and then the probers themselves might be bribed and corrupted in the process, and so we won’t get any genuine report. And then would you also probe members of your own party in addition, because we are not perfect. There must be people who are probable even within UPN, but party pressure will make it absolutely impossible for you to probe anyone within your party.
So why start at all? And what is more, if you probe the past, it’s like going to a grave yard and exhuming the bodies and tried to see what was the cause of the death of each of the copses that you have exhumed. And when you have discovered that so and so who died 10 years ago was killed by what do you do then? Do you revive the body? You cannot revive the dead, but in the process you pollute the air, you pollute the air of the place.
Whereas, you can help the living. I’m interested in the living, and don’t forget that I’m 74 years plus now, and I don’t want to waste my years trying to see what happened in the past instead of attending to the problems of all these people in front of me, and millions who are listening to what I say. If they steal they’ll suffer, if they don’t steal, and you never can know all the truth, sometimes they say somebody take a bribe, then find out and see no bribe has been taken, and so on and so forth. As far as I am concerned, the past- that’s from 30th of September 1983 backwards sealed. But from 1st October 1983 onward, open.
There’s a saying, the past is a story told, the future will be rich in gold. And I’ve always said it that the future is like a wet clay. In the hands of a good potter it can produce very fine potteries. But the past is dead you can’t produce anything from it except acrimonies, exacerbation, hatred, and so on and so forth. So I’m not interested in the past, I’m interested in the future.
And you can correct corruption by examples more than by precepts. Many of us can say corruption is bad. Even the most corrupt person will say “corruption is not good”, but then to see what he can do by examples rather than by precepts and I intend, that’s what UPN has been doing, we intend to lead the people out of corruption into honesty and probity by example. That’s what we intend to do. But you must bear in mind; you can never stamp out corruption, you can minimize it considerably. In those days of the western region, in 8 years people will say no corruption, there might be, I didn’t know, but the important thing is that people ought to realize that there’s someone somewhere who must never hear that an act of corruption has taken place.
But when the boss himself is the chairman of the corrupt club, then there’s nothing you can do, like what happened, a simple matter, one member of the ministry of housing asked one of the officials to go and get 200 bundles of roofing sheets. Yes sir! And then he went and collected 2,200 roofing sheets. That’s a fair business, the boss wants 200 and he needs 2000. And the boss can’t pressure on him, on what ground? “You went to go and steal that….”, he’ll say “er master but you asked me to bring you 200…” that’s the trouble. So you get a lot done by example rather than by precepts, and that’s what we intend to do. The future may be rich in gold, like a wet clay in the hands of the good potter.
According to Johnnie Agim: “Okparadike’s pandering to Chief Awolowo with those soft ball questions is symptomatic of what ails the Igbos. Awolowo’s arrogance came through in all its glory. I did this, I did that….and no where did he address his release from Calabar.
Awolowo superviced genocide in Biafraland even though Ojukwu got him out of jail in a DEAL which Awo later reneged; Kwasharkor took a deep toll on igbo children, over 3.5Million Biafran were killed in that criminal genocidal war imposed on BIAFRANS by Nigeria genocidal government led by dubious Gowon.
The Man was really full of himself, and to be frank with you, to the extent that Ojukwu made a mistake, that he did not allow his ass rot in prison…”.
Zik stopped Awolowo being sent to Kaduna Prison where Ahmadu Bello could had made him sweep Kaduna Market from time to time to disgrace his followers.
The then Military Governor of Eastern Nigeria was busy handling the genocide Gowon and the British organized.
The thank you the people of the East got from Chukwuma Nzeogwu and fellow brave Nigerian soldiers stopping the stupid destruction of lives in Western Nigeria was Western Nigeria joining in the genocide of Easterners because Chukwuma was an Iboman that was a very big thank you.
Awolowo thought his followers to be hardcore haters of anything not from western Nigeria and hardcore followers are still filled with that hate till now as I am typing this posting.
Read full text interview of late Chief Obafemi Awolowo in Abeokuta during 1983 elections beneath:
During the 1983 elections, Chief Obafemi Awolowo was hosted to a town hall interview in Abeokuta, where in addition to other pertinent topics of the day, he spoke on his role in the civil war, the 20-pound policy, starvation as a weapon, change of currency, abandoned property etc.
Excerpt: ((Moderator: Mr. Oparadike).
CIVIL WAR
Question: Chief Awolowo, your stand on the civil war, however unpopular it may have been to the Biafran people or Ibo people, helped to shorten the war. Today, you’re being cast as the sole enemy of the Ibo people because of that stand, by among others, some of the people who as members of the federal military government at that time, were party to that decision and are today, in some cases, inheritors of power in one Nigeria which that decision of yours helped to save. How do you feel being cast in this role, and what steps are you taking to endear yourself once again to that large chunk of Nigerians who feels embittered.
Awo: As far as I know, the Ibo masses are friendly to me, towards me. In fact, whenever I visit Iboland, either Anambra or Imo, and there’s no campaigning for elections on, the Ibo people receive me warmly and affectionately. But there are some elements in Iboland who believe that they can maintain their popularity only by denigrating me, and so they keep on telling lies against me. Ojukwu is one of them. I don’t want to mention the names of the others because they are still redeemable, but Ojukwu is irredeemable so I mention his name, and my attitude to these lies is one of indifference, I must confess to you.I’ve learnt to rely completely on the providence and vindication of Almighty God in some of these things. I’ve tried to explain myself in the past, but these liars persist. Ojukwu had only recently told the same lie against me. What’s the point in correcting lies when people are determined to persist in telling lies against you, what’s the point. I know that someday the Ibos, the masses of the Ibo people will realize who their friends are, and who their real enemies are. And the day that happens woe betide those enemies. The Ibos will deal with them very roughly, very roughly.
That has happened in my life. I have a nickname now, if you see my letterhead you’ll find something on top, you’ll find a fish done on the letterhead. Some people put Lion on theirs, some people put Tiger, but mine is Fish. And Fish represents my zodiac sign, those of you who read the stars and so on in the newspapers; you’ll find out that there’s a zodiac sign known as pieces, in Latin pieces mean Fish.
So I put pieces on top, that’s my zodiac sign being born on the 6th of March,….er well, the year doesn’t matter, it’s the day that matter. And then on top of it I write Eebudola. All of you know the meaning of that. You know I don’t want to tell a long story but Awolowo school, omo Awolowo, the…… started in Urobo land, in mid-west in those days. They were ridiculing my schools, I was building schools –brick and cement, to dpc level, block to dpc level and mud thereafter. And so the big shots in the place..”ah what kind of school is this? is this Awolowo school? Useless school” and when they saw the children..”ah this Awolowo children, they can’t read and write, Awolowo children” that’s how it started, with ridicule, and it became blessing, and now they say “Awolowo children, they are good people” no more ridicule about it, that’s how it started, so the Eebu becomes honor, the abuse became honor.
And so when I look back to all my life, treasonable felony, jail, all the abuses that were heaped on me, to Coker Inquiry, all sorts, and I see what has happened to the people who led, who led all these denigration campaign, where are they today? Those that are alive are what I call Homo Mortuus- dead living, oku eniyan, that’s what they are, those that their lives have gone.
So when I look back, I come to the conclusion that all these abuses which have been heaped on me all my life for doing nothing, for doing good, they have become honor, and so Eebudola is one of my nicknames. So I’ve cultivated an attitude of indifference, I’ve done no evil to the Ibos.
During the war I saw to it that the revenue which was due to the Iboland- South Eastern states they call it, at that time..east central state, I kept it, I saved the money for them. And when they ….was librated I handed over the money to them- millions. If I’d decided to do so, I could have kept the money away from them and then when they took over I saw to it that subvention was given to them at the rate of 990,000 pounds every month. I didn’t go to the executive council to ask for support, or for approval because I knew if I went to the executive council at that time the subvention would not be approved because there were more enemies in the executive council for the Ibos than friends. And since I wasn’t going to take a percentage from what I was going to give them, and I knew I was doing what was right, I wanted the state to survive, I kept on giving the subvention – 990,000 almost a million, every month, and I did that for other states of course- South eastern state, North central state, Kwara and so on.
But I did that for the Ibos, and when the war was over, I saw to it that the ACB got three and a half million pounds to start with. This was distributed immediately and I gave another sum of money. The attitude of the experts, officials at the time of the ACB was that ACB should be closed down, and I held the view you couldn’t close the ACB down because that is the bank that gives finance to the Ibo traders, and if you close it down they’ll find it difficult to revive or to survive. So it was given. I did the same thing for the Cooperative Bank of Eastern Nigeria, to rehabilitate all these places, and I saw to it as commissioner for finance that no obstacle was placed in the way of the ministry of economic planning in planning for rehabilitation of the war affected areas.
TWENTY POUNDS POLICY
That’s what I did, and the case of the money they said was not given back to them, you know during the war all the pounds were looted, they printed Biafran currency notes, which they circulated, at the close of the war some people wanted their Biafran notes to be exchanged for them. Of course I couldn’t do that, if I did that the whole country would be bankrupt. We didn’t know about Biafran notes and we didn’t know on what basis they have printed them, so we refused the Biafran note, but I laid down the principle that all those who had savings in the banks on the eve of the declaration of the Biafran war or Biafra, will get their money back if they could satisfy us that they had the savings there, or the money there. Unfortunately, all the banks’s books had been burnt, and many of the people who had savings there didn’t have their saving books or their last statement of account, so a panel had to be set up.
I didn’t take part in setting up the panel, it was done by the Central bank and the pertinent officials of the ministry of finance, to look into the matter, and they went carefully into the matter, they took some months to do so, and then make some recommendation which I approved. Go to the archives, all I did was approve, I didn’t write anything more than that, I don’t even remember the name of any of them who took part. So I did everything in this world to assist our Ibo brothers and sisters during and after the war.
And anyone who goes back to look at my broadcast in August 1967, which dealt with post-war reconstruction would see what I said there.
STARVATION POLICY
Then, but above all, the ending of the war itself that I’m accused of, accused of starving the Ibos, I did nothing of the sort. You know, shortly after the liberation of these places, Calabar, Enugu and Port Harcort, I decided to pay a visit. There are certain things which I knew which you don’t know, which I don’t want to say here now, when I write my reminisces in the future I will do so. Some of the soldiers were not truthful with us, they didn’t tell us correct stories and so on.
I wanted to be there and see things for myself, bear in mind that Gowon himself did not go there at that time, it was after the war was over that he dorn himself up in various military dresses- Air force dress, Army dress and so on, and went to the war torn areas. But I went and some people tried to frighten me out of my goal by saying that Adekunle was my enemy and he was going to see to it that I never return from the place, so I went.
But when I went what did I see? I saw the kwashiorkor victims. If you see a kwashiorkor victim you’ll never like war to be waged. Terrible sight, in Enugu, in Port Harcourt, not many in Calabar, but mainly in Enugu and Port Harcourt. Then I enquired what happened to the food we are sending to the civilians. We were sending food through the Red cross, and CARITAS to them, but what happen was that the vehicles carrying the food were always ambushed by the soldiers. That’s what I discovered, and the food would then be taken to the soldiers to feed them, and so they were able to continue to fight. And I said that was a very dangerous policy, we didn’t intend the food for soldiers. But who will go behind the line to stop the soldiers from ambushing the vehicles that were carrying the food? And as long as soldiers were fed, the war will continue, and who’ll continue to suffer? and those who didn’t go to the place to see things as I did, you remember that all the big guns, all the soldiers in the Biafran army looked all well fed after the war, its only the mass of the people that suffered kwashiorkor.
You wont hear of a single lawyer, a single doctor, a single architect, who suffered from kwashiorkor? None of their children either, so they waylaid the foods, they ambush the vehicles and took the foods to their friends and to their collaborators and to their children and the masses were suffering. So I decided to stop sending the food there. In the process the civilians would suffer, but the soldiers will suffer most.
CHANGE OF CURRENCY
And it is on record that Ojukwu admitted that two things defeated him in this war, that’s as at the day he left Biafra. He said one, the change of currency, he said that was the first thing that defeated him, and we did that to prevent Ojukwu taking the money which his soldiers has stolen from our Central bank for sale abroad to buy arms. We discovered he looted our Central bank in Benin, he looted the one in Port Harcourt, looted the one in Calabar and he was taking the currency notes abroad to sell to earn foreign exchange to buy arms.
So I decided to change the currency, and for your benefit, it can now be told the whole world, only Gowon knew the day before, the day before the change took place. I decided, only three of us knew before then- Isong now governor of Cross River, Attah and myself. It was a closely guarded secret, if any commissioner at the time say that he knew about it, he’s only boosting his own ego. Because once you tell someone, he’ll tell another person. So we refused to tell them and we changed the currency notes. So Ojukwu said the change in currency defeated him, and starvation of his soldiers also defeated him.
These were the two things that defeated Ojukwu. And, he reminds me, when you saw Ojukwu’s picture after the war, did he look like someone who’s not well fed? But he has been taking the food which we send to civilians, and so we stopped the food
ABANDONED PROPERTY
And then finally, I saw to it that the houses owned by the Ibos in Lagos and on this side, were kept for them. I had an estate agent friend who told me that one of them collected half a million pounds rent which has been kept for him. All his rent were collected, but since we didn’t seize their houses, he came back and collected half a million pounds.
So that is the position. I’m a friend of the Ibos and the mass of the Ibos are my friends, but there are certain elements who want to continue to deceive the Ibos by telling lies against me, and one day, they’ll discover and then that day will be terrible for those who have been telling the lies.
Moderator: After the question, this particular question from the interview panel we’ll move to the floor, and later we’ll go back to the interview panel for the final two questions. But before we move to the floor I call on Mr. Sonala Olumhense to ask the question
CORRUPTION
Question (Sonala Olumhense): Chief Awolowo, I think it is fairly clear that the two major problems responsible for the failing of government in this country are inability or incompetence of officials to manage the economy and corruption. You have been reported on the campaign ground to have said that when you come to power on October, that you will not probe anybody. I haven’t heard or read of any denial of that statement. If it is actually true that you did make that statement, how is it that you plan to deal with the problem of corruption in this country? Or don’t you have any such plans?
Awolowo: The statement referred to is not new, I first made a statement like that, I believe, in 1969 during my convocation address at Ife University. I then demanded to know why the probe was confined to only the western region and parts of the eastern region. The other part of the country, there was no probe in the other part of the country. And then, they were probing civilians, but then soldiers have boldly begun to enter, to enter the area of those who should be probed. And I said, well, some trees have fallen on other trees, and they should start with ones on the top. Which means to probe soldiers, and who will dare to probe soldiers at that time? So I said they should call off the whole business.
And then a decision was taken that those who had stolen money and had died should not be probed, so it is easy for someone who wants to enrich his children to steal as much as possible, then commit suicide so that his children can live in affluence forever. It’s a far fetch illustration, but it can happen. So I said the best thing is to call off the probe. And how much have we earned in the process? How much have we got back? You remember that all the thing that Adebayo got in his own time he returned them on the eve of the 10th anniversary of independent. So there’s no point in continuing the probe, I said it at the time, and I repeated it at Ahmadu Bello University when I was delivering my second convo… address there.
So it’s nothing new, but people don’t border to read some of the things I say, but they go on criticizing me for saying this things. Anyway, I don’t want the UPN to embark on probes, first of all I believe that those who have deliberately stolen public money…we keep on saying government’s money, it’s our money, it’s your money, it’s my money. Those who have deliberately done that would dislodge them sooner or later, that’s the law of nature, it has to happen.
In the bible we are told God says “Vengeance is mine, and I will revenge” and I believe it. Then secondly, when you start probing, where do you begin now? The corruption has gone to a very high scale since the Army took over. They were to be corrective, then they became corruptive, and so on, where do you begin? And with whom? And with which part of the country? Throughout the country? You’ll need a large staff of people to do the probe, and then the probers themselves might be bribed and corrupted in the process, and so we won’t get any genuine report. And then would you also probe members of your own party in addition, because we are not perfect. There must be people who are probable even within UPN, but party pressure will make it absolutely impossible for you to probe anyone within your party.
So why start at all? And what is more, if you probe the past, it’s like going to a grave yard and exhuming the bodies and tried to see what was the cause of the death of each of the copses that you have exhumed. And when you have discovered that so and so who died 10 years ago was killed by what do you do then? Do you revive the body? You cannot revive the dead, but in the process you pollute the air, you pollute the air of the place.
Whereas, you can help the living. I’m interested in the living, and don’t forget that I’m 74 years plus now, and I don’t want to waste my years trying to see what happened in the past instead of attending to the problems of all these people in front of me, and millions who are listening to what I say. If they steal they’ll suffer, if they don’t steal, and you never can know all the truth, sometimes they say somebody take a bribe, then find out and see no bribe has been taken, and so on and so forth. As far as I am concerned, the past- that’s from 30th of September 1983 backwards sealed. But from 1st October 1983 onward, open.
There’s a saying, the past is a story told, the future will be rich in gold. And I’ve always said it that the future is like a wet clay. In the hands of a good potter it can produce very fine potteries. But the past is dead you can’t produce anything from it except acrimonies, exacerbation, hatred, and so on and so forth. So I’m not interested in the past, I’m interested in the future.
And you can correct corruption by examples more than by precepts. Many of us can say corruption is bad. Even the most corrupt person will say “corruption is not good”, but then to see what he can do by examples rather than by precepts and I intend, that’s what UPN has been doing, we intend to lead the people out of corruption into honesty and probity by example. That’s what we intend to do. But you must bear in mind; you can never stamp out corruption, you can minimize it considerably. In those days of the western region, in 8 years people will say no corruption, there might be, I didn’t know, but the important thing is that people ought to realize that there’s someone somewhere who must never hear that an act of corruption has taken place.
But when the boss himself is the chairman of the corrupt club, then there’s nothing you can do, like what happened, a simple matter, one member of the ministry of housing asked one of the officials to go and get 200 bundles of roofing sheets. Yes sir! And then he went and collected 2,200 roofing sheets. That’s a fair business, the boss wants 200 and he needs 2000. And the boss can’t pressure on him, on what ground? “You went to go and steal that….”, he’ll say “er master but you asked me to bring you 200…” that’s the trouble. So you get a lot done by example rather than by precepts, and that’s what we intend to do. The future may be rich in gold, like a wet clay in the hands of the good potter.
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